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Citavi-Zotero Import Problem Sina I
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PhD - nothing less.xml
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<Abstract>NGOs set out to save lives, relieve suffering, and service basic human needs. They are committed to serving people across national borders and without regard to race, ethnicity, gender, or religion, and they offer crucial help during earthquakes, tsunamis, wars, and pandemics. But with so many ailing areas in need of assistance, how do these organizations decide where to go{u2014}and who gets the aid? In The Good Project, Monika Krause dives into the intricacies of the decision-making process at NGOs and uncovers a basic truth: It may be the case that relief agencies try to help people but, in practical terms, the main focus of their work is to produce projects. Agencies sell projects to key institutional donors, and in the process the project and its beneficiaries become commodities. In an effort to guarantee a successful project, organizations are incentivized to help those who are easy to help, while those who are hardest to help often receive no assistance at all. The poorest of the world are made to compete against each other to become projects{u2014}and in exchange they offer legitimacy to aid agencies and donor governments. Sure to be controversial, The Good Project offers a provocative new perspective on how NGOs succeed and fail on a local and global level. --Provided by publisher.</Abstract>
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<Text>Hourani, Najib, “From National Utopia to Elite Enclave: The Selling of the Beirut Souqs” in Gary McDonogh and Marina Peterson, eds.. Global Downtowns. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012.&#xD;
Hourani, Najib, “War of the Banks: Globalization of the Lebanese Civil War.” Geopolitics, Vol. 15, No. 3, 2010.</Text>
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The biased DP aid to liberal parties in Egypt is a good example for favoritism that is transnational but not clientelism. 151, FN3</Text>
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<Text>Carapico opens her book with an account of the crackdown on the five "overseas branches of the federally funded quasi-non-governmental National Democratic Institute (NDI), International Republican Institute (IRI), the International Center for Journalists, Freedom House, and Germany’s Konrad Adenauer Foundation and several locally headquartered pro- fessional advocacy organizations, including the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights and the Arab Center for the Independence of Judges and Lawyers" (1) in Egypt on Dec 29, 2011, and the ensuing controversy or rather: the different readings/interpetations of various parties involved in this conflict (former employees; other Egyptian HR organisations; Egyptian government; US politicians)&#xD;
I think this is very teling regarding her book's purpose. Her interest is to a certain degree to adjucate between or "sort through such conflicting claims and testimonials about justice, imperialism, and pushback" (2)&#xD;
After setting the stage with this snippet from political struggles in Egypt, she moves on to a one-page description of what PA has been looking like since 1990 in the region. The paragraph concludes with "This book investigates how such projects work, their proximate out- puts, and the experiences of practitioners." 3&#xD;
"My task is to describe and analyze the dynamics of Western or multilateral organizations’ programs ‘promoting’ Arab transitions from authoritari- anism in the context of national, regional, and international politics in the Middle East during two tumultuous decades. The main research question is not whether political aid ‘worked,’ but rather how it worked, in actual practice." 3&#xD;
The list of questions she then comes up with is absurdly long. It is 11 questions, most of them containing three subquestions. 3-4&#xD;
Summary of her answers: it's complex ;)&#xD;
"In response to the basic question of how democracy promotion works in practice, I venture a simple answer, a basic argument, a composite theo- retical structure, and a bottom-line political point. The simple answer is that political-development assistance consists of projects that are carried out by specialized professional agencies working through cross-national institutional channels. The specificities warrant further investigation. The straightforward argument is that institutional arrangements and profes- sional practices across and inside national domains are contextual, com- plex, and often contested. Regardless of nationality, professionals know that transnational engagements in matters of law, elections, gender, and what is ‘non-governmental’ intersect with international and domestic power arrangements in complicated, sometimes counter-intuitive ways. The paradoxes encompass but go beyond what a famous historian called the collocation of “megalomania and messianism” in macro-level American foreign policy.2 Agents and participant observers reflect ruefully on the mixed motives, messages, and blessings of political aid; ironic convergences of empowerment and power; ethical and practical dilemmas; differently scaled legal-political jurisdictions; grandiose plans gone awry; confluences and disruptures between domestic and international regimes; banal competition over symbolic capital, institutional access, and monetary advantage; and the rarified experience of conferences in fancy off-shore locations."4</Text>
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\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 Carapico}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 opens her book with an account of the crackdown on the five "overseas branches of the federally funded quasi-non-governmental National Democratic Institute (NDI), International Republican Institute (IRI), the International }&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 Center}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 for Journalists, Freedom House, and Germany\u8217 s Konrad Adenauer Foundation and several locally }&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 headquartered}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 pro- }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 fessional}&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 advocacy organizations, including the Egyptian Organization for Human Rights and the Arab }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 Center}{&#xD;
\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 for the Independence of Judges and Lawyers" (1) in\~Egypt on Dec 29, 2011, and the ensuing controversy or rather: the different }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1&#xD;
\dbch\af1\hich\f1 readings/interpetations}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 of various parties involved in this conflict (former employees; other Egyptian HR\~organisations; Egyptian government;\~US politicians)}{&#xD;
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\dbch\af1\hich\f1 I think this is very }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 teling}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 regarding her book's purpose. Her interest is to a certain degree to }&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 adjucate}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 between or "sort through such conflicting claims and testimonials about justice, imperialism, and }&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 pushback}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 " (2)}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1\cs10\par}&#xD;
\pard\plain\itap0\s0\fi0\sb0\sa120\widctlpar\ltrpar\li0\lin0\ri0\rin0\ql\faauto\sl240\slmult1\rtlch\afs20\ltrch\fs18\f1{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 After setting the stage with this snippet from political struggles in Egypt, she moves on to a one-page description of what PA has been looking like since 1990 in the region. The paragraph concludes with "This book investigates how such projects work, their proximate out- puts, and the experiences of practitioners." 3}&#xD;
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\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 "My task is to describe and }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 analyze}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 the dynamics of Western or multilateral organizations\u8217 programs \u8216 promoting\u8217 Arab transitions from }&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 authoritari}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 - }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 anism}{\rtlch\af0\afs24&#xD;
\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 in the context of national, regional, and international politics in the Middle East during two tumultuous decades. The main research question is not whether political aid \u8216 worked,\u8217 but rather how it worked, in actual practice." 3}&#xD;
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\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 The list of questions she then comes up with is absurdly long. It is 11 questions, most of them containing three }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 subquestions}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
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\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 Summary of her answers: it's complex ;)\line "In response to the basic question of how democracy promotion works in practice, I venture a simple answer, a basic argument, a composite theo- retical structure, and a bottom-line political point. The simple answer is that political-development assistance consists of projects that are carried out by specialized professional agencies working through cross-national institutional channels. The specificities warrant further investigation. The straightforward argument is that institutional arrangements and profes- sional practices across and inside national domains are contextual, com- plex, and often contested. Regardless of nationality, professionals know that transnational engagements in matters of law, elections, gender, and what is \u8216 non-governmental\u8217 intersect with international and domestic power arrangements in complicated, sometimes counter-intuitive ways. The paradoxes encompass but go beyond what a famous historian called the collocation of \u8220 megalomania and }&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 messianism}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 \u8221 in macro-level American foreign }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
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{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 disruptures}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 between domestic and international regimes; banal competition over symbolic capital, institutional access, and monetary advantage; and the }&#xD;
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<Text>European, Canadian, and American experts in ‘political transitions’ had been working in Arab countries for a couple of decades. After the end of the Cold War, more intently after 9/11/2001, and in another spurt after the ‘youth’ uprisings in 2011, professional democracy brokers (and some amateurs) flocked to the region with projects to upgrade legal systems, institutionalize competitive&#xD;
// elections, encourage female participation, and organize liberal civic net- works. Drawing on dollars, pounds sterling, and euros, often cooperating with United Nations programs, they were employed inside Egypt, Jordan, sometimes Lebanon, the Maghreb countries, Yemen, and the two excep- tional ill-fated cases of Palestine and Iraq. They offered technical advice, collected data, wrote assessments, conducted seminars, ran public infor- mation campaigns, and made grants to national or regional public advo- cacy think tanks for projects on human rights, political reform, civil society, and related topics. Involvement varied over time and space. In some countries, foreign experts offered boilerplates for commercial legis- lation; in Iraq, Americans created new courts. To different degrees, for- eigners participated in electoral events as technical consultants or volunteer monitors. Many donors worked directly with public sector or parastatal institutions such as parliamentary libraries or national councils for women. Other projects provided grants and training to civil society organizations defined as NGOs or CSOs. More broadly, democracy brokers sponsored or co-sponsored virtual networks and transnational conferences on topics such as how to run electoral campaigns, lobby for reforms to family law, or battle press censorship."</Text>
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\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af0\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 European, Canadian, and American experts in \u8216 political transitions\u8217 had been working in Arab countries for a couple of decades. After the end of the Cold War, more intently after 9/11/2001, and in another spurt after the \u8216 youth\u8217 uprisings in 2011, professional democracy brokers (and some amateurs) flocked to the region with projects to upgrade legal systems, institutionalize competitive}&#xD;
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\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 // elections, encourage female participation, and organize liberal civic net- works. Drawing on dollars, pounds sterling, and }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af0\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 euros}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
\loch\af0\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 , often cooperating with United Nations programs, they were employed inside Egypt, Jordan, sometimes Lebanon, the }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af0\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 Maghreb}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
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<Text>"The main research question is not whether political aid ‘worked,’ but rather how it worked, in actual practice. What work gets done, how, by whom, to what effect? Who gets what, when, where, and how? What were the actual channels, mecha- nisms, and institutional practices – inter-governmental, for instance, or non-governmental? Where are the sites of interaction inside or beyond national boundaries? Who are the agents, intermediaries, and audiences? How were goals relating to justice, representation, women’s rights, or civil society framed, routinized, or contested? How did theories about political transitions mesh or clash with pre-existing legal jurisdictions, political institutions, and public civic spheres? When, why and how did client governments embrace or reject overtures? How did initiatives jibe with the aspirations, inspirations, and counter-hegemonic claims of civic&#xD;
Downloaded from Cambridge Books Online by IP 87.77.219.225 on Tue Feb 16 09:28:02 GMT 2016.&#xD;
http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139022781.001&#xD;
Cambridge Books Online © Cambridge University Press, 20164 Introduction&#xD;
activists? What did professionals and close-hand observers see as the proximate benefits or risks? How relevant is applied transitology to indig- enous struggles for fair and decent governance? Does political aid advance social justice, representative political institutions, and popular empower- ment; or authoritarian retrenchment; or imperial domination – or what?"</Text>
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<Text>I completely disagree. Think of the PD in UNDP were it was decided to give it to women's organisations - because whatelse would you do? and then the RoL project worked on infrastructures in prisons and had to have a civil society component, and did conflict assessment or so.... not much to do with harmonizing laws, aye?&#xD;
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<Text>"In everyday English usage, the term ‘NGO’ connotes a non-governmental, non-profit, cause-driven association motivated by altruistic intent rather than pecuniary or political gain. NGOs are the good guys. However, scholars who scrutinized the habits of North–South NGO funding already warned us not to think that ‘non-governmental’ is synonymous with ‘democratic.’6 Many scholars and activists have critically interrogated prototypes of NGOs or CSOs as units of civic engagement: this construc- tion, they argue, constitutes a potentially potent classificatory scheme that excludes mass or spontaneous mobilization. One perceptive critic of devel- opment aid argued that civil society promotion amounts to the profession- alization and institutionalization of certain patterns of knowledge.7 The construct of the NGO, originally meant to distinguish independent advocacy from inter-governmental transactions, is problematic.8 The//governmental/non-governmental binary is a convenient dummy variable defining civic energies aphophatically for what they are not. Inside the industry there are a range of rhyming variations distinguishing para- statal qua-NGOs, government-organized GONGOs, royally-organized RONGOs, donor-oriented DONGOs, World Bank initiated BINGOs, and even entrepreneurial B-Y-O (bring-your-own) “bringos.”9 But they all call themselves NGOs, even in Arabic, where in lieu of translation the identical acronym is often rendered in text in Latin alphabet letters or in speech as pronounced in English. Overall, the ubiquitous neologism of the NGO is an imprecise linguistic expression that is left, as we will see, for various governments and donor agencies to define bureaucratically and ideologically. In practice, an NGO is something registered as such with national governments, the United Nations, or donor agencies. In compar- ing and contrasting criteria for inclusion and patronage, this chapter illustrates the politics and paradoxes of ‘NGOization.’ Many observers deduced that political aid stimulated a proliferation of professional, rather than grassroots, NGOs."</Text>
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\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 \u8216 democratic.\u8217 6 Many scholars and activists have critically interrogated prototypes of NGOs or CSOs as units of civic engagement: this construc- tion, they argue, constitutes a potentially potent classificatory scheme that excludes mass or spontaneous mobilization. One perceptive critic of devel- opment aid argued that civil society promotion amounts to the profession- alization and institutionalization of certain patterns of knowledge.7 The construct of the NGO, originally meant to distinguish independent advocacy from inter-governmental transactions, is problematic.8 The//governmental/non-governmental binary is a convenient dummy variable defining civic energies aphophatically for what they are not. Inside the industry there are a range of rhyming variations distinguishing para- statal qua-NGOs, government-organized GONGOs, royally-organized RONGOs, donor-oriented DONGOs, World Bank initiated BINGOs, and even entrepreneurial B-Y-O (bring-your-own) \u8220 bringos.\u8221 9 But they all call themselves NGOs, even in Arabic, where in lieu of translation the identical acronym is often rendered in text in Latin alphabet letters or in speech as pronounced in English. Overall, the ubiquitous neologism of the NGO is an imprecise linguistic expression that is left, as we will see, for various governments and donor agencies to define bureaucratically and ideologically. In practice, an NGO is something registered as such with national governments, the United Nations, or donor agencies. In compar- ing and contrasting criteria for inclusion and patronage, this chapter illustrates the politics and paradoxes of \u8216 NGOization.\u8217 Many observers deduced that political aid stimulated a proliferation of professional, rather than grassroots, NGOs."}&#xD;
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<Text>"Calling Freedom House or NDI or International IDEA non- governmental, with the possible additional implication of apolitical, is not quite accurate. Most Western-based democracy brokers are ‘NGOs’ by fiat: that is, they were created and/or funded by governments to be ‘NGOs.’ During the Cold War, American, British, Canadian, and other NATO legislatures each endowed national ‘non-governmental’ political foundations to foment liberalization and combat communism abroad through unofficial channels.10 NED’s conservative champions envisioned a role now forbidden by Congress to the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), of bolstering pro-American opposition parties, unions, and media in countries allied with the Soviet Union or led by left-leaning parties.11"</Text>
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{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang1031\langnp1031\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 additional implication of apolitical, is not quite accurate. Most Western-based democracy brokers are \u8216 NGOs\u8217 by fiat: that is, they were created and/or funded by governments to be \u8216 NGOs.\u8217 During the Cold War, American, British, Canadian, and other NATO legislatures each endowed national \u8216 non-governmental\u8217 political foundations to foment liberalization and combat communism abroad through unofficial channels.10 NED\u8217 s conservative champions envisioned a role now forbidden by Congress to the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), of bolstering pro-American opposition parties, unions, and media in countries allied with the Soviet Union or led by left-leaning parties.11"}&#xD;
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<Text>"Shortly thereafter, the German Stiftungen that had pioneered overseas political aid (only to find their efforts to destabilize foreign governments the subject of domestic controversy) won West German federal budgetary support on grounds that they would pursue the national interest by ‘indi- rect’ means.12 Such “semi-private bodies” could engage in political advo- cacy “at two removes,” wrote a prominent European expert: first through the European Commission, then in turn back to the national political foundations.13 Even the relatively few, mostly American organizations with private endowments, notably the Ford Foundation, the Soros Foundation’s Open Society Institute, and the Carter Center at Emory University, helped extend U.S. foreign policy beyond formal governmental agencies.14 Overall, the transnational democracy establishment is a pub- lically funded endeavor. IRI, NDI, the Stiftungen, and kindred agencies are GONGOs or DONGOs as well as NGOs."</Text>
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\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 their efforts to destabilize foreign governments the subject of domestic controversy) won West German federal budgetary support on grounds that they would pursue the national interest by \u8216 indi- rect\u8217 means.12 Such \u8220 semi-private bodies\u8221 could engage in political advo- cacy \u8220 at two removes,\u8221 wrote a prominent European expert: first through the European Commission, then in turn back to the national political foundations.13 Even the relatively few, mostly American organizations with private endowments, notably the Ford Foundation, the Soros Foundation\u8217 s Open Society Institute, and the Carter Center at Emory University, helped extend U.S. foreign policy beyond formal governmental agencies.14 Overall, the transnational democracy establishment is a pub- lically funded endeavor. IRI, NDI, the Stiftungen, and kindred agencies are GONGOs or DONGOs as well as NGOs."}&#xD;
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<Text>"Civil society promotion via ‘advocacy NGOs’ //was even more intently controversial. In the name of democratic advocacy it differed from welfare-oriented conventional aid in two important ways. First, as already analyzed with respect to projects for women, and unlike economic initiatives with material consequences, the content of political aid was almost entirely informational and ideological. Ergo, its practi- tioners and counterparts were constituted as professional lobbies generat- ing semantic, informational or instructive products. The second contrast is that even though conventional ODA snaked through parastatal and quasi- non-governmental sub-contracting channels, it remained primarily inter- governmental (bilateral or multilateral), administered by mutual consent. By contrast, political aid for NGOs that evaded conceptual and adminis- trative border patrols goaded special pushback from police states.</Text>
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<Text>Somewhere in the chapter on electoral assistance or in the introduction, she made a similar argument about the specifities of political aid (vs. conventional aid)</Text>
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<Text>"After a while, foreign consultants found little difference between “hybrid” Palestinian and Lebanese professional research consulting institutions and European counterparts.43 The term “Creolization” implied institutional as well as linguistic cross-breeding.44 Progressive intellectuals formerly in the nationalist vanguard of the first Intifada found themselves recast as “missionaries preaching the importance of advocacy, workshops and training programs,” their energies diverted from grassroots to “deterri- torialized” activism.45 The “project logic” itself as well as the//&#xD;
“NGOization” of street-level movements transform a social cause into an accounting unit while fostering both a culture of dependency and fancy- hotel modes of consumption.46 This is how it looked to practitioners on the ground."</Text>
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\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 \u8220 NGOization\u8221 of street-level movements transform a social cause into an accounting unit while fostering both a culture of dependency and fancy- hotel modes of consumption.46 This is how it looked to practitioners on the ground."}&#xD;
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<Text>„Donors commissioned scores of surveys, studies, and reports on NGO/ CSO landscapes. This was partly a search for suitable sub-contractors and partly a mapping project reflected in the publication of NGO direc- tories. NGO and PVO directories were produced for Egypt, Palestine, Yemen, Jordan, and other countries. The genre is distinctive. A United Nations directory for the West Bank, issued by the Office of the Special Coordinator in the Occupied Territories, for instance, provided, in English and Arabic, alphabetically organized in the Latin alphabet, the name, address, phone and fax numbers, officers, background, and activ- ities of each of 400 NGOs in 10 cities and towns. Most also self-identified in English by Roman-alphabet acronyms. Directories were organized more or less like telephone books, with entries clustered by geographic location but not distinguishing among, for instance, the local offices of NDI, the Catholic charity CARITAS founded in Latin America, profes- sional organizations, political party affiliates, development contractors, non-profit law offices, or business networks. The key criterion for inclu- sion is an office address: physical premises. Low-budget, spontaneous, or informal associations would not appear on the map or in the directory. Ultimately, directories seemed to be but were not ‘really’ reliable maps of civil society.“</Text>
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<Text>"Mapping projects, licensing criteria, and ceremonial certifications sig- nify transnational governmentality, here a kind of domination exercised through the denationalization and non-governmentalization of civic involvement. Thematic agendas, declaratory principles, registration pro- cedures, NGO directories, and control of purse-strings impose self- discipline. Many scholarly critics interpreted this as a way of regimenting or foreclosing proletarian and subaltern movements. Latin American and African specialists labeled operational NGOs helping to privatize welfare services “subcontractors” in the “relief and reconstruction complex”55 or “modern-day secular missionaries.”56 Alongside this, and sidelining poverty-alleviating welfare and service entitlements, think tanks were//enlisted to rationalize neo-liberal economic policies and cloister intellec- tual counter-elites into non-confrontational, white-collar activities outside the body politic.57 One observer concluded that “The idealized space where the weak are supposed to be fighting their battles for freedom and justice has been hijacked by segments of the (petite) bourgeoisie who have found their niche in the growing sector of NGOs.”58 Concurrently, the separation of welfare from advocacy seemed to disfavor social justice activism."</Text>
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<Text>"These were battles over symbolic capital, monetary resources, and ownership of national narratives about rights and justice. They were also boundary disputes about claims of trespassing. When, whether on their own or in consultation with international agencies, governments created national machineries for women or national human rights councils, they staked rhetorical and institutional claims to feminism and legalism in an ongoing quest for absolute executive jurisdiction. So, for instance, ruling party or family elites could ‘represent’ women. Adversarial rights monitor- ing by professionals trained and/or financed from abroad contradicted those claims. They did so in front of domestic and international audiences, perhaps eroding crony structures. Ruling kleptocrats cloned parastatal GONGOs to recapture not only small change for advocacy projects but also public patriotic narratives; and brought charges of defaming the state or slandering the President against human rights defenders documenting serious abuses. In the highly publicized cases of the imprisonment of Saad Eddine Ibrahim and the Sudanese accountant at the Ibn Khaldun Center,//for instance, opinion was divided as to whether international pressure&#xD;
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<Text>"Civil society programming penetrated national territorial and institutional boundaries. In addition it also activated spheres geographically outside and metaphorically above sovereign civic realms. This is the other con- notation of denationalization. I want to call special attention to this supra- national zone of sponsored activism, including the human rights and women’s conferences mentioned in earlier chapters. Intercontinental meet- ings in five-star facilities with trilingual interpreters speaking into head- phones from glassed-in cubicles signaled globalization, extra-territoriality, and de-nationalization. In some ways, the workshops and web sites con- stituted portals of counter-elite expression outside the bounds of national censorship, an opportunity to rail against restraints on association, and to bring abuses into the international limelight. These meetings were rather more upscale than the usual academic conference. They were civil, infor- mative multicultural conversations in zones of harmonization in one way. In another they constituted schizophrenic spaces. They could be seen as air-conditioned hot air; imperial co-optation of bilingual secular counter- elites; or spaces for extra-systemic freedom of association."</Text>
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\hich\f1 . In addition it also activated spheres geographically outside and metaphorically above sovereign civic realms. This is the other con- notation of denationalization. I want to call special attention to this supra- national zone of sponsored activism, including the human rights and women\u8217 s conferences mentioned in earlier chapters. Intercontinental meet- ings in five-star facilities with trilingual interpreters speaking into head- phones from glassed-in cubicles signaled globalization, extra-territoriality, and de-nationalization. In some ways, the workshops and web sites con- stituted portals of counter-elite expression outside the bounds of national censorship, an opportunity to rail against restraints on association, and to bring abuses into the international limelight. These meetings were rather more upscale than the usual academic conference. They were civil, infor- mative multicultural conversations in zones of harmonization in one way. In another they constituted schizophrenic spaces. They could be seen as air-conditioned hot air; imperial co-optation of bilingual secular counter- elites; or spaces for extra-systemic freedom of association."}&#xD;
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<Text>"All along, there was a strong transnational Arab-regional dimension to democracy promotion in the Middle East, in the tier between domestic and global. Considerable material and symbolic capital was invested in NGO networks of the caliber invited to the Forum for the Future and dozens of other high-end summits. These extra-territorial Arab and Mediterranean consortia, pretty much outside the Arab League’s purview, went unnoticed in national case studies of domestic civil society or bilateral aid programs. But they were a salient component of political aid. The Ibn Khaldun Center’s founder counted among the non-governmental federations “inspired or induced” by the world-wide UN conferences in the nineties the Arab Democracy Network, the Arab Organization of Human Rights, the Arab Network for the Protection of Human Rights Activists, and the Cairo-based Arab NGOs Network.78 In a complex co-sponsorship, the Ford Foundation in Cairo and UNDP jointly backed affiliations of interna- tional, Arab, and national organizations with IFEX, the International//Freedom of Information Exchange that raised both public and corporate money for its projects. MEPI, the World Bank, the OECD, UNDP and others fostered an Arab Center for the Rule of Law and Integrity head- quartered in Beirut, with a branch in Amman and associates in ten other Arab countries. In 2010, something called the Network of Think Tanks for Developing Countries was hosted by the Egyptian Cabinet’s Information and Decision Support Center with support from the Japan Foundation, the Swedish Institute of Alexandria, UNDP, and other agencies.&#xD;
These were interlocking webs. Their proliferation beyond and inside national domains was consistent with a theory of transnational non- governmental governmentality in an era of neo-liberal globalization, which is often thought to erode the conceptual boundaries of states. Practitioners knew this. At a World Bank meeting for NGO delegations under the Mediterranean Development Forum sessions, one contributor remarked on the “the rising influence of the donor-civil-society nexus.”79 A self-identified pro-market civil society think tank, Maroc 2020, associ- ated with a Bank-sponsored Global Development Network, hosted a Club de Madrid study of ways to strengthen rights of association financed by the European Commission’s Initiative for Democracy and Human Rights and the United Nations Fund for Democracy. These examples of quasi-non- inter-governmental matrices were symptomatic of globalization, and intensified transnationalism in the Mediterranean, closely allied with the neo-liberal Washington consensus. These trajectories are not self- actualizing, however; the counter-offensive was fierce.</Text>
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\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 These were interlocking webs. Their proliferation beyond and inside national domains was consistent with a theory of transnational non- governmental governmentality in an era of neo-liberal globalization, which is often thought to erode the conceptual boundaries of states. Practitioners knew this. At a World Bank meeting for NGO delegations under the Mediterranean Development Forum sessions, one contributor remarked on the \u8220 the rising influence of the donor-civil-society nexus.\u8221 79 A self-identified pro-market civil society think tank, Maroc 2020, associ- ated with a Bank-sponsored Global Development Network, hosted a Club de Madrid study of ways to strengthen rights of association financed by the European Commission\u8217 s Initiative for Democracy and Human Rights and the United Nations Fund for Democracy. These examples of quasi-non- inter-governmental matrices were symptomatic of globalization, and intensified transnationalism in the Mediterranean, closely allied with the neo-liberal Washington consensus. These trajectories are not self- actualizing, however; the counter-offensive was fierce.}&#xD;
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<Text>"These dynamics seemed dialectical. Domestic repression banished organizers to offshore portals and international councils, where they con- tinued domestic struggles in the transnational/pan-Arab arena. Yet these venues had their own discursive price of admission and conditions of patronage. Oppressive internal restrictions legitimated outside interfer- ence, which prompted greater repression, which impelled the intensifica- tion of transnational schemes, which generated yet more intense backlash. In an age of globalization, dictatorship helped create the circumstances for its own negation in the form of extra-territorial activism. Simultaneously, donors’ civil society programming seemingly intensified counter-reactions in the form of upgraded predatory curbs on organizational freedoms. The outcome, then, was a synthetic transitory space for elite activism that at least partly eluded both national and global forms of authority, but was itself a zone of highly antagonistic politics. At the end of this chapter we//will listen to more commentary from bilingual intellectuals about their experiences in that space, which echo some of the wisecracks from women cited in the previous chapter."</Text>
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<Text>"did civil society promotion foment rebellion?&#xD;
'Not only were the democracy-promotion projects marginal within the political landscape in Egypt, meaning that the overwhelming majority of activists avoided them like the plague because they knew it would be a kiss of death for their//credibility, but also the circle of democracy activists itself was marginal in this revolution.113" FN 113:credibility, but also the circle of democracy activists itself was marginal in this revolution.113</Text>
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<Text>"For over a decade before 2011, bilingual Arab intellectuals and other local project partners echoed widespread public skepticism about the parlances and mechanisms of civil society promotion. Mindful of colonial histories, invasions, and military backing for national security states, they took a critical view of definitions of terrorism as anti-systemic rather than struc- tural violence, calls for technocratic ‘reform’ over real elections, and purely ceremonial inclusion in international civil society forums.115 The fixation with NGOs, international funding of NGOs, liberalization of NGO laws, and non-governmental representation at international conferences seemed to misconstrue bases of social solidarity in Afghanistan, Palestine, and elsewhere, wrote one observer.116 To most, it appeared that democracy ‘promotion’ was designed to foreclose prospects for unruly or take-to-the- streets revolutionary upheavals by entrusting democratization to paid Western consultants and their slick promotional advertisements."</Text>
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<Text>It's a pretty harsh but probably accurate cirticism, and it is later repeated with a different label, calling the catering to donor preferences "corruption"</Text>
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<Text>"A Cairo seminar called International Aspects of the Arab Human Rights Movement dwelt on what one discussant called “risks” of accepting invitations to international conferences that come “with strings attached” and might end up bolstering neither indigenous human rights movements nor human rights protection.117 A prominent Egyptian said resources and themes originating in the North for programs in the South reflected vertical power imbalances that define and constrain even human rights dis- courses.118 Aid “depends on personal relations and knowledge of complex procedures within foreign funding agencies” rather than qualitative cri- teria, agreed a well-respected Yemeni intellectual.119 The bottom line, wrote another conferee, was that the most common form of corruption “is when organizations design projects in line with donor priorities.”120"</Text>
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<Text>"The story of civil society aid and the pushback against it was full of contradictions manifested in litigious, bitterly contested disputes. Drawing on the testimony of direct participants, I have depicted these as skirmishes between national and global regimes of governmentality, each seeking to channel civic energies into manageable parameters. In the name of anti- imperialism and self-determination, autocratic governments nationalized and regulated all forms of public activism. Conventional inter-governmental development assistance aimed at improving the governance capacity of state institutions often enhanced central administration and control. In the same way, some rule-of-law programs, elections projects, and support for national women’s organizations or GONGOs served the interests of national security establishments. The projects that most persistently enraged corrupt officials were those that circumvented their patronage channels and bureaucratic oversight. Metaphorically, non-governmental pathways dena- tionalized some forms of professional activism, including the production of political information, by placing them outside state budgets. Whereas some analysts saw in state capacity-building the potential for political aid to abet the upgrading of authoritarianism, others observed a reverse effect in the pushback – the continual re-regulation, re-registration, subversion, and co-optation of civic activities in response to donor initiatives. Then, the more transnational donor networks pressed, the more dictatorial regimes over-reacted, and the more activists took their projects offshore. This was the second dimension of denationalization. Professional human rights, women’s, and NGO networks proliferated, meeting periodically in extra- territorial spaces physically owned and operated by multinational hotel chains. Recognizing a consensual rather than coercive domain, many scholars and participants found there a different sort of governmentality with its own discursive rules and licensing restrictions. When UNDP and other agencies fixed on establishing a “knowledge society” in the Arab world, they were referring to very particular epistemological and professional practices."</Text>
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<Text>"In each subfield, contradictions surfaced between the transformative potential of political aid operating in conjunction with international regimes and the ways in which democracy promotion could simply per- petuate Western domination. Activists, professionals, practitioners, and engaged social scientists (overlapping categories, to be sure) told me this, over and over." 207 &#xD;
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<Text>On competition and politics: I like her observation or find it intriguing at least, that the influx of resources naturally leads to conflict and competition. She highlights the “banality” of it (Carapico 2014: 200?) and labels it “low politics” (ibd.?). For the gender area: “In practice, of course, material, symbolic, and administra- tive capital did not help half the population, but only some individuals or agencies designated to ‘represent women.’ This in turn spawned ordinary political competition over positions, podiums, and power.“ (Carapico 2014: 205)&#xD;
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Generally:&#xD;
"By definition political aid interjects external symbolic, material, and institutional resources into national (and, in the Middle East, pan-Arab) arenas. If all politics involves competition over scarce resources, then political aid naturally stimulates controversy and rivalries. Inevitably resources flow to selected organizations, agents, and causes, but not others. Donors’ provision of expertise, technology, publicity, or funds to executive, judicial, legislative, or civic institutions affects the balance of power between and within those bodies. Even if the idea is that interna- tional agencies are supporting ‘transitions to democracy’ or ‘women’s empowerment,’ projects entail complex forms of cooperation and conflict. Practitioners and participants, including many cited here, realize the banal- ities of interagency and office politics on a commonplace level. This is ‘low’ politics." 199</Text>
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\widctlpar\ltrpar\li0\lin0\ri0\rin0\ql\faauto\sl240\slmult1\rtlch\afs20\ltrch\fs18\f0{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang1031\langnp1031\loch\af0\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 "}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af0\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 By definition political aid interjects external symbolic, material, and institutional resources into national (and, in the Middle East, pan-Arab) arenas. If all politics involves competition over scarce resources, then political aid naturally stimulates controversy and rivalries. Inevitably resources flow to selected organizations, agents, and causes, but not others. Donors\u8217 provision of expertise, technology, publicity, or funds to executive, judicial, legislative, or civic institutions affects the balance of power between and within those bodies. Even if the idea is that }&#xD;
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<Text>"Therefore, two kinds of evidence were presented. First, I quoted an abrasive pattern of lectures and quizzes on religio-cultural oppression given to people coping with dire military and economic distress. In witty asides, the occasional heckle, and plenty of thoughtful analysis, women outside the empowerment industry called into question its stock significa- tions of autonomy, voting, gender quotas, Shari’a, public comportment, safety, Women’s Day, ‘sexist stereotypes,’ and Western superiority. In these exchanges, outsiders consistently scoffed at the consciousness of Muslims; equally, locals ridiculed foreign hubris and naiveté. The impli- cation was that an emphasis on changing mindsets too guilelessly under- estimates the hard constraints of firepower and poverty."</Text>
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<Text>This reminds me of the conversation with Nader who rejected the Western stereotypes and lectures about gender</Text>
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<Text>"Empowerment was not only a discourse" 205&#xD;
I wonder what she means with discourse here. It is worth asking whether the empowerment discourse (beyond female empowerment btw) is one element of a development discourse</Text>
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<Text>Like Krause, Carapico distinguishes an idea (or norm?) from the practices:&#xD;
"The evidence supports and qualifies this proposition. That is, central executive authorities (if not courts and legislatures) were more likely to embrace the rhetorical and institutional practices of gender representation than those of either elections monitoring or NGO regimes. The Beijing apparatus appears to be a strong example of multilateral constructivism, outside the U.S. orbit. It is grounded in ideas but realized through institu- tional practices. This way of looking at things shed light on how concep- tually quite different definitions of ‘regimes’ – regimes of truth, mechanisms of transnational governmentality, national dictatorships – can be mutually constitutive."</Text>
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\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 "The evidence supports and qualifies this proposition. That is, central executive authorities (if not courts and legislatures) were more likely to embrace the rhetorical and institutional practices of gender representation than those of either elections monitoring or NGO regimes. The Beijing apparatus appears to be a strong example of multilateral constructivism, outside the U.S. orbit. It is grounded in ideas but realized through }&#xD;
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<Text>"Even more than in other sectors, the dialectic between nationalized and dena- tionalized activism manifestly played out in theoretical debates and every- day contests over right-of-way, resources, and ideological hegemony. Its permutations and contradictions were profound. That means we need to be wary of any explanatory framework that over-determines causality: neither Western imperialism nor Arab authoritarianism nor other modes of repression or ‘governmentality’ are as unmovable as they may seem.&#xD;
The relatively elite strata of professional civic activists working in Arab countries often found English-language parlances about ‘promoting’ something called ‘democratization’ rarified and disjointed. ‘Promotion’ after all can refer to advertising campaigns. Catchphrases, project clusters, and institutional formats fixated on some issues to the exclusion of others, women and men complained. Amidst so much attention to elections and ‘culture change,’ neither ballot-driven ‘regime change’ nor ‘transitions in power’ were on UN, U.S. or EU agendas. In the aggregate, neo-liberal entrepreneurial freedoms were more popular with donors than were labor rights. Women bristled at obsessions with sexual rather than national self- determination and the privileging of gender over class solidarity. Only in the Muslim world, some observed, was ‘secularism’ considered a prereq- uisite for democratization."</Text>
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<Text>"Thus the null set of concerns – themes and phrases that barely registered in English-language word-counts – included social justice, military rule, working conditions, existing social contracts, popular safety nets, regular power transitions, police brutality, and national sovereignty. Yet these issues – not ‘democracy’ by name – were the slogans and concepts that mobilized millions to take to the streets in 2011. All along, in Anglophone and UN ‘donor-speak,’ transcriptions of Arab ‘deficits’ in democracy and women’s rights were chalked up to socio-cultural sediments variously labeled patriarchal, traditional, tribal, sectarian, or Islamic. Armed forces’//abuses (amply documented by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and dozens of regional watch-dogs) were not given much attention in democracy brokers’ reports on problems facing women or NGOs. Indeed, in the rhetoric of transitions to democracy, strangely, the word ‘civilian’ or word combination ‘civilian rule’ rarely, if ever, appeared. Religion, ‘sharia,’ and secularism were mentioned frequently, especially in documents about gender. Militarism and the securitization of gover- nance, by comparison, were not presented as a serious obstacle to realiza- tion of justice, representation, female participation, or freedom."</Text>
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<Text>"Nor, even in the field of civil society advancement, was the prospect of mass popular uprisings against police brutality part of the democratization template presented to the Arab world in late 2010. Panelists pointed out that ‘civil society’ referred to effete think tanks rather than popular organ- izations. The donor construct of civil society never included anti-war protests of the sort that spilled into Arab streets during the American-led invasion of Iraq and Israeli bombardments of Gaza, the West Bank, and Lebanon. Consulting reports did not refer to marches, demonstrations or out-of-doors collective mobilization as instances of civic engagement: in the ‘transitions to democracy’ narrative it is as if they never happened. The discourses and institutional practices of civil society promotion seemed, instead, to foreclose prospects for contentious challenges to despotism. Project conceptualizations put ‘democratization’ or ‘liberalization’ in the hands of office-bound professionals fulfilling log-frames laid out in fund- ing proposals featuring three-year ‘strategic’ plans. Civil society was oper- ationalized in terms of hierarchical organizations and tactical planning, not spontaneously or vertically mobilized multitudes. As Tawakkul Karman told the United Nations General Assembly on November 1, 2011, the ‘international community’ insisted in describing events in Yemen as a ‘crisis,’ not a ‘revolution.’ What Tunisians, Egyptians, and Yemenis called ‘thawra’ (revolution) outsiders choose to dub ‘the Arab Spring.’"</Text>
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\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 "Nor, even in the field of civil society advancement, was the prospect of mass popular uprisings against police brutality part of the democratization template presented to the Arab world in late 2010. }&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 Panelists}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 pointed out that \u8216 civil society\u8217 referred to effete think tanks rather than popular organ- }&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 izations}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 . The donor construct of civil society never included anti-war protests of the sort that spilled into Arab streets during the American-led invasion of Iraq and Israeli bombardments of Gaza, the West Bank, and Lebanon. Consulting reports did not refer to marches, demonstrations or out-of-doors collective mobilization as instances of civic engagement: in the \u8216 transitions to democracy\u8217 narrative it is as if they never happened. The discourses and institutional practices of civil society promotion seemed, instead, to foreclose prospects for contentious challenges to despotism. Project conceptualizations put \u8216 democratization\u8217 or \u8216 liberalization\u8217 in the hands of office-bound professionals fulfilling log-frames laid out in fund- ing proposals featuring three-year \u8216 strategic\u8217 plans. Civil society was oper- ationalized in terms of hierarchical organizations and tactical planning, not spontaneously or vertically mobilized multitudes. As Tawakkul Karman told the United Nations General Assembly on November 1, 2011, the \u8216 international community\u8217 insisted in describing events in Yemen as a \u8216 crisis,\u8217 not a \u8216 revolution.\u8217 What Tunisians, Egyptians, and Yemenis called \u8216 thawra\u8217 (revolution) outsiders choose to dub \u8216 the Arab Spring.\u8217 "}&#xD;
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<Text>Actually, at first sight, this might be an explanation for the principle struggle that Nahnoo is fighting: doing advocacy, mobilizing but at the same time functioning as a profesisonal organisation. &#xD;
At a second glance, though, I doubt Nahnoo's potential to actually mobilize for (big?) protests. &#xD;
the question would be: have they already lost their appeal? or have they never had one for mass mobilisation? The donors however see them as ppl able to mobilize. What is their weird role in the BaladiCAP programme? &gt; taming advocacy....</Text>
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<Text>"This point registered squarely among Cairo’s engaged intelligentsia when ‘revolutionary tourists’ – not only Middle East scholars enthused by the radical turn of events but transitologists and specialists in ‘democ- ratization’ with little familiarity with the region who flocked to Egypt to ‘see Tahrir Square’ first-hand and ‘help’ Egyptian democrats – reframed events as ‘transitions to democracy’ in need of expert consultation. The influx of foreigners was a matter of consternation to Egyptian intellectuals who were asked to facilitate their visits. Now, many of the donor- sponsored sessions I attended in the spring of 2011 featured well-informed//comparative insights from South Africa, Chile, the Ukraine, and around the globe. Still, the supply of expert transitologists who flew into Cairo after February 11, when Mubarak relinquished power, exceeded demand for their advice on how to manage a transition. Egyptian political party organizers I talked to were not familiar with Gene Sharp and few were interested in IRI’s free training modules on how to run an American-style political campaign. Activists in Cairo, Sana’a, and other capitals in upheaval were talking about revolution, not transition. Also, contrary to the Anglophone narrative, popular slogans in Arabic did not vocalize demands for ‘democracy’ so much as regime change, social justice, popular self-determination, constraints on police brutality, and decent standards of living. So, even naming the uprisings a ‘pro-democracy’ movement was a kind of appropriation by managers of transitions. The fact that a certain discourse was hegemonic in English did not make it so in Arabic.&#xD;
This was amply clear to those living ‘in the region.’ In practice, donor projects endorsing judicial and democratic reform were political and para- doxical on global, regional, national, and grassroots levels. Only oblivious or disingenuous advisors or counterparts working in Egypt, Iraq, Yemen, Algeria, Palestine, or any Arab territory pretended otherwise. Project staff, consultants, and grantees continually confronted competing significations, regulations, and interests – even in quite mundane day-to-day circum- stances. Yet circumstances were not normally mundane before, during, or after the turn of the millennium in the Middle East. Instead, political aid projects were inevitably entangled with international and domestic power alignments, and sometimes radical readjustments. These imbroglios in turn shaped how messages about political transitions, justice, and empow- erment were transmitted, received, operationalized, and re-purposed by various agents and actors. It is one thing to frame a meta-narrative about transitions from authoritarianism in English, or diagram outcomes in a project proposal. It is something else to engineer institutions and practices inside complex societies to match the model, or even to convince commit- ted change agents that international democracy brokers know best."</Text>
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\loch\af0\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 \u8217 with little familiarity with the region who flocked to Egypt to \u8216 see }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af0\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 Tahrir}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af0&#xD;
\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 Square\u8217 first-hand and \u8216 help\u8217 Egyptian democrats \u8211 }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af0\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 reframed}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af0\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 events as \u8216 transitions to democracy\u8217 in need of expert consultation. The influx of foreigners was a matter of consternation to Egyptian intellectuals who were asked to facilitate their visits. Now, many of the donor- sponsored sessions I attended in the spring of 2011 featured }&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af0\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 well-informed//comparative}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af0\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 insights from South Africa, Chile, the Ukraine, and around the globe. Still, the supply of expert }&#xD;
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{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af0\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 IRI\u8217 s}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af0\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 free training modules on how to run an American-style political campaign. Activists in Cairo, Sana\u8217 a, and other capitals in upheaval were talking about revolution, not transition. Also, contrary to the Anglophone narrative, popular slogans in Arabic did not vocalize demands for \u8216 democracy\u8217 so much as regime change, social justice, popular self-determination, constraints on police brutality, and decent standards of living. So, even naming the uprisings a \u8216 pro-democracy\u8217 movement was a kind of appropriation by managers of transitions. The fact that a certain discourse was hegemonic in English did not make it so in Arabic.}&#xD;
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\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 , and re-purposed by various agents and actors. It is one thing to frame a meta-narrative about transitions from authoritarianism in English, or diagram outcomes in a project proposal. It is something else to engineer institutions and practices inside complex societies to match the model, or even to convince commit- }&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af0\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 ted}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af0\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 change agents that international democracy brokers know best."}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
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<Text>"Civil society activism in Lebanon has the standard feature of being largely divided between a social sector and a more political one. thus there are a significant number of service-provision associations and groups. (...) The more politicized sector is also active and significantly more outspoken than anywhere else in the Arab world. There are a number of large and well-functioning civil society groups working on democratization and human rights issues. When it comes to this sector, there are two strong trends. The first is related to the prevalence of sectarianism in Lebanese society. Given that the most significant feature of the Lebanese political and social system is indeed its sectarianism, it is not a surprise that civil society activism reflects this sectarian divide. Many organizations, even those engaged in human rights and democracy issues, often subscribe to the political agenda of one particular sect, although not necessarily formally so. [NO REFERNECE! ABSOLUTELY NO REFERENCE!] There is however a second trend that has been growing for a number of years which realtes to the work of associations attempting to build what can be termed a nationalist Lebanese activist sector.Driven by the belief that domestic conflicts and international interference are the product of weak Lebanese nationalism and sense//of belonging to a Lebanese state, a number of organizations have recently emerged attempting to overcome sectarian barriers. THis entails working for the promotion of genuine democratic accountability, which would see the progressive replacement of the sectarian political system with one based on individual representation. Following the same logic, a number of organizations have emerged with the objectives of reducing sectarianism enshrined in legislation and building bridges through post-conflict resolution and reconciliation. (Safa, 2007)" &#xD;
As "representative" of this development, they describe in detail LADE&#xD;
Lebanese Association for HUman Rights (LAHR) or ALDHOM? is the second example. I have no clue who they are, they don't seem to be in the picture anymore? They have a facebook page with 21 likes https://www.facebook.com/Lebanese-Association-for-Human-Rights-284544538248613/&#xD;
There's a beautiful description of the triple-orientation of intermediaries/leaders/people in that field: politicians - civil society - international community. 125&#xD;
I just doN't know why LAHR shoudl have more problems with political class then LADE. Because they are more staunchly anti-sectarian?&#xD;
AMEL is the next organisation. They also mention and describe at length an organisation called MIRSAD. Then they summarize and move on to the René Mouawad Foundation. &#xD;
About RMF they amongst other things say that in order to do their lobbying for children's educational rights for example, they have to mobilize their contacts to decision makers which inevitably are in the Maronite community. which "reinforces rather than weakens sectarian divisions." 129&#xD;
on page 130 they move on to a committee working on disappeared, and a "Center" but guiven that pages 131-132 are missing from google books, I can't tell which one...&#xD;
133 "Palestinian civil society", Palestinian Association for HUman Rights &#xD;
p. 135 compares the situation to other Arab countries, coming to the conclusion that a "fully-fledged dictatorship" is impossible because of "the necessity for compromise between the sects in order to manage the country" 135, and that also the space for civil society is larger;&#xD;
then this sectarian logic of power finds its reflection in citizen's orientation and in also in the networks of power that civil society can mobilize for their lobbying. 135 Also, it invites external actors, "In this game, the Lebanese sects also use external patrons in order to gain domestic advantages. This has considerable repercussions on how civil society is structured and the issues dealt with, leading to divisions and difficulties of coordination."</Text>
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\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 "Civil society activism in Lebanon has the standard feature of being largely divided between a social sector and a more political one. thus there are a significant number of service-provision associations and groups. (...) The more politicized sector is also active and significantly more outspoken than anywhere else in the Arab world. There are a number of large and well-functioning civil society groups working on democratization and human rights issues. When it comes to this sector, there are two strong trends. The first is related to the prevalence of sectarianism in Lebanese society. Given that the most significant feature of the Lebanese political and social system is indeed its sectarianism, it is not a surprise that civil society activism reflects this sectarian divide. Many organizations, even those engaged in human rights and democracy issues, often subscribe to the political agenda of one particular sect, although not necessarily formally so. [NO\~REFERNECE!\~ABSOLUTELY\~NO\~REFERENCE!] There is however a second trend that has been growing for a number of years which }&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 realtes}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 to the work of associations attempting to build what can be termed a nationalist Lebanese activist }&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 sector.Driven}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 by the belief that domestic conflicts and international interference are the product of weak Lebanese nationalism and }&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 sense//of}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 belonging to a Lebanese state, a number of organizations have recently emerged attempting to overcome sectarian barriers. }&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 THis}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 entails working for the promotion of genuine democratic accountability, which would see the progressive replacement of the sectarian political system with one based on individual representation. Following the same logic, a number of organizations have emerged with the objectives of reducing sectarianism enshrined in legislation and building bridges through post-conflict resolution and reconciliation. (}&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 Safa}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 , 2007)" }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1\cs10\par}&#xD;
\pard\plain\itap0\s0\fi0\sb0\sa120\widctlpar\ltrpar\li0\lin0\ri0\rin0\ql\faauto\sl240\slmult1\rtlch\afs20\ltrch\fs18\f1{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 As "representative" of this development, they describe in detail LADE}&#xD;
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\dbch\af1\hich\f1 anymore}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 ? They have a }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 facebook}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1&#xD;
\dbch\af1\hich\f1 page with 21 likes https://www.facebook.com/Lebanese-Association-for-Human-Rights-284544538248613/}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1\cs10\par}\pard\plain\itap0\s0\fi0\sb0\sa120\widctlpar\ltrpar\li0\lin0\ri0\rin0&#xD;
\ql\faauto\sl240\slmult1\rtlch\afs20\ltrch\fs18\f1{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 There's a beautiful description of the triple-orientation of }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1&#xD;
\hich\f1 intermediaries/leaders/people}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 in that }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 field:\~politicians}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 - civil society - international community. 125}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1\cs10\par}\pard\plain\itap0\s0\fi0\sb0\sa120\widctlpar\ltrpar\li0\lin0\ri0\rin0\ql\faauto\sl240\slmult1\rtlch\afs20&#xD;
\ltrch\fs18\f1{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 I just }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 doN't}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 know why LAHR }&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 shoudl}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 have more problems with political class then }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 LADE.\~Because}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 they are more staunchly anti-sectarian?}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1\cs10\par}\pard\plain\itap0\s0\fi0\sb0\sa120&#xD;
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{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 Ren\'e9}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 Mouawad}{\rtlch\af0\afs24&#xD;
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\ltrch\fs18\f1{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 About RMF they amongst other things say that in order to do their lobbying for children's educational rights for example, they have to mobilize their contacts to decision makers which inevitably are in the }&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 Maronite}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 community. which\~"reinforces rather than weakens sectarian divisions." 129}{\rtlch\af0\afs24&#xD;
\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1\cs10\par}\pard\plain\itap0\s0\fi0\sb0\sa120\widctlpar\ltrpar\li0\lin0\ri0\rin0\ql\faauto\sl240\slmult1\rtlch\afs20\ltrch\fs18\f1{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 on page 130 they move on to a committee working on disappeared, and a "}&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 Center}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 " but }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 guiven}{\rtlch\af0\afs24&#xD;
\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 that pages 131-132 are missing from }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 google}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 books, I can't tell which one...}&#xD;
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\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 133 "Palestinian civil society", Palestinian Association for }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 HUman}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 Rights }{&#xD;
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\dbch\af1\hich\f1 p. 135 compares the situation to other Arab countries, coming to the conclusion that a "fully-fledged dictatorship" is impossible because of "the necessity for compromise between the sects in order to manage the country" 135, and that also the space for civil society is larger;}&#xD;
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\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 then this sectarian logic of power finds its reflection in citizen's orientation and in also in the networks of power that civil society can mobilize for their lobbying. 135 Also, it invites external actors, "In this game, the Lebanese sects also use external patrons in order to gain domestic advantages. This has considerable repercussions on how civil society is structured and the issues dealt with, leading to divisions and difficulties of coordination."}&#xD;
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<Text>pretty much everything 87&#xD;
all human elements - "individuals, groups, organizations, institutions, subcultures and so on" 87&#xD;
nonhiman actants that force sth. on the humans, e.g. reliable electricity, ease of access to medical supplies (stored in warehouses), email communication&#xD;
&gt; for the access: what hinders it, what facilitates it? is it on the map? And: does it really matter? (in the situation and in this project? and to whom or to what?) See: what is taken for granted, and by whom, I would add. 88&#xD;
"what ideas, concepts, discourses, symbols, sites of debate, and cultural 'stuff' may 'matter' in this situation" 88 &gt; "the symbolic and discursive meanings of elements in situational maps" 89, e.g." some research materials" as example 88&#xD;
But I mean, her map 3.1 on p. 88 is TINY!!!!</Text>
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<Text>- opening up data 83&#xD;
- providing an entrance point and a way of entering&#xD;
- analytic exercise 83 &#xD;
- it's about finding relations 84&#xD;
-84/85 memos are the most important thing&#xD;
- focus on silences, the "thousand-pound gorillas (..) sitting around in our situations of concern that nobody has bothered to mention yet. Why not?" 85&#xD;
- maps for "big picture"news" 85&#xD;
- answer the questions: "Where in the world is this project? Why is it important? What is going on in this situation?" 85 &gt; But doesnt that mix academic and field discourse?&#xD;
- Three types of maps:&#xD;
1) situational map - "STRATEGISES for articulating the elements in the situation and examining relations among them"&#xD;
2) social worlds/arenas maps as cartographies of collective commitments, relations, and sites of action&#xD;
3) Positional maps as simplification strategies for plotting positions articulated and not articulated in discourses" 86&#xD;
Plus: 4) traditional GT map = codes and categories; 5) project map (?) 86&#xD;
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<Text>Donini, Antonio (1996): „The Bureaucracy and the Free Spirits: Stagnation and Innovation in the Relationship Between the UN and NGOs“, in: Weiss/Gordenker, NGOs, the UN and Global Governance, S. 83-101.&#xD;
&#xD;
Hilhorst, Dorothea (2002): „Being Good at Doing Good? Quality and Ac-&#xD;
countability of Humanitarian NGOs“, in: Disasters 26, S. 193-212.</Text>
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<Text>"Die Fragestellung, die die Untersuchung leitet, ist primär eine empiri- sche: Wie funktionieren Flüchtlingslager konkret, als komplexe soziale Ein- heiten mit heterogenen Akteuren, die jeweils ihre eigenen Perspektiven, In- teressen und Ressourcen einbringen? Wie ist die politische Ordnung von Flüchtlingslagern gestaltet?1 Welche Charakteristika hat also die Institution, in der Flüchtlinge nach ihrer Flucht untergebracht und verwaltet werden und wo sie weiterleben?"</Text>
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<Text>Wieso darf sie das? Wieso darf sie eine empirische Frage stellen und wenn ich sage: I want to know what they do, dann ist das nicht ausreichend?!&#xD;
&gt; Vielleicht muss ich das einfach mal klarer schreiben?</Text>
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<Text>"Die Organisationsgliederungen im Lager sind damit doppelt organisatorisch eingebunden, einmal innerhalb des Flüchtlingslagers zusammen mit anderen Organisationen, einmal innerhalb der eigenen Mutterorganisation."</Text>
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<Text>I like this idea. To point out: SfCG Lebanon is embedded in SfCG global, but at the same time horizontally (? that is not a good term here...say: on the same scale? on the ground? In the country?) they are also part of a network/social construct/whatever. So here you have a second element of double orientation.</Text>
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\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 I like this idea. To point out:\~}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 SfCG}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 \~Lebanon is embedded in }&#xD;
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<Text>"In Flüchtlingslagern sind typischerweise eine ganze Reihe humanitärer und administrativer Organisationen tätig. Sie alle sind durch die institutionali- sierten Werte des internationalen Flüchtlingsregimes geprägt, die einen ge- meinsamen Bezugspunkt ihrer Arbeit bilden. Gleichzeitig besteht innerhalb jeder der Organisationen auch die Norm, Organisationsinteressen zu verfol- gen. Die Mehrzahl der Organisationen im Flüchtlingslager sind NGOs."</Text>
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<Text>"Der im Folgenden zugrundegelegte Begriff der NGO ist an Dieter Neu- bert orientiert und beinhaltet die Organisationen, die er als Nichtregierungs- organisationen „im engeren Sinne“ (Neubert 2003: 259) bezeichnet. Dies sind Organisationen, die weder staatlich noch profitorientiert und deren Ak- tivitäten auf Nicht-Mitglieder als Nutznießer bezogen sind. Die Aktivitäten können aus anwaltlicher Tätigkeit oder aus Dienstleistungen bestehen. Nach Neubert haben diese NGOs einen doppelten gesellschaftlichen Anschluss. Sie sind mit der Gesellschaft einerseits über ihre Ressourcengewinnung, an- dererseits über ihre klientenbezogenen Tätigkeiten, also ihr Wirkungsfeld, verbunden (vgl. Neubert 2003: 258-260; 2001: 54-56)."</Text>
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<Text>"Zum Dritten schließlich verweist der Aspekt des doppelten gesellschaftlichen Anschlusses auf ein folgenreiches Merkmal von NGOs im Vergleich zu vielen anderen Dienst- leistungsorganisationen: Die Klientel, auf die sich die Arbeit von NGOs richtet, überschneidet sich nicht mit den Akteuren, von denen die Ressour- cen eingeworben werden. Damit gilt für NGOs: „they separate clients (ser- vice recipients) and customers (sources of funds)“ (Gronbjerg 1992: 74).4 In der täglichen Hilfsarbeit im Flüchtlingslager sind die Flüchtlinge das Ge- genüber der NGOs. Rechenschaftspflichtig sind die Organisationen dagegen ihren Geldgebern. Ihnen gegenüber müssen die NGOs ihre Arbeit legitimie- ren, wenn sie Ressourcen von ihnen bekommen und den Geldfluss aufrecht- erhalten wollen. Für dieses Ziel spielt es nur bedingt und mittelbar eine Rol- le, inwieweit eine NGO auch bei ihrer Klientel, den Flüchtlingen, Legitimi- tät genießt. Antonio Donini spricht allgemein von einer „top-down accoun- tability“ (Donini 1996: 98), der das Finanzierungssystem von NGOs Vor- schub leistet.</Text>
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<Text>"Die hier anklingende „Partnerschaftlichkeit“ stellt in der Welt der huma- nitären Arbeit ein hoch bewertetes Prinzip dar (vgl. Raper 2003: 355). Gleichzeitig stehen Hilfsorganisationen zueinander in Konkurrenz- und Ab- hängigkeitsstrukturen, und von den Mitarbeitern wird erwartet, die jeweils eigenen Organisationsinteressen zu verfolgen (vgl. Hilhorst 2002). Das Per- sonal der Hilfsorganisationen, die in einem Flüchtlingslager zusammenar- beiten, steht damit vor ambivalenten Anforderungen.5 Die Spannung zwi- schen Normen der Partnerschaftlichkeit und solchen der Verfolgung von Eigeninteressen prägt die Praktiken und Strategien des Lageralltags, die wiederum auf die ambivalente Normenstruktur zurückwirken können."</Text>
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<Text>es scheint nur 14 Expats zu geben insgesamt in den in ihrer Forschung beobachteten Lagern. Sie schreibt ca. 0,5 Seiten über deren Motivation, Hintergründe etc.</Text>
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<Text>"Für viele der sambischen Mitarbeiter sind die Motive für ihre Arbeit im Flüchtlingslager anders ge- wichtet als bei den Expatriates. Während der Wunsch zu helfen durchaus eine Rolle spielt, ist für die Einheimischen die Tätigkeit bei den NGOs auch, und manchmal vor allem, ein Arbeitsplatz, der dem Lebensunterhalt dient. Ein großer Teil des sambischen Personals hat Familienangehörige zu ver- sorgen, und sowohl unter finanziellen Aspekten wie unter solchen des Re- nommees sind NGOs – zumal internationale NGOs – attraktive Arbeitgeber."&#xD;
&gt; I wonder. Isn't this a JOB, a way of earning your living (and not a bad one btw...) also for expats? &#xD;
&gt; If she hasnt heard that from expats, maybe it's because of the Thematisierungsregeln? </Text>
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<Text>"Manche Expatriates klagen etwa, sambi- sches Personal käme zu Weiterbildungen und anderen Veranstaltungen nur wegen der allowances, der Reisezulagen. Die Empörung der Expatriates darüber überrascht ebenso wenig wie die finanziellen Motive der Sambier."</Text>
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<Text>"Manche Expatriates klagen etwa, sambi- sches Personal käme zu Weiterbildungen und anderen Veranstaltungen nur wegen der allowances, der Reisezulagen. Die Empörung der Expatriates darüber überrascht ebenso wenig wie die finanziellen Motive der Sambier." (Inhetveen 2014:124) &#xD;
macht mich darauf aufmerksam, dass dieser Dikurs: "die wollen nur business machen" nicht nur zwischen NGOs (über andere ) geführt wird, sondern ja auch in Bezug auf Einzelne. Es geht ja eigentlich ganz oft darum, gerade auf Seiten der Geldgeber und Expats, zu verhindern/anzuprangern, dass hier versucht wird Geld zu machen. &gt; Sammle mal Beispiele dafür!</Text>
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<Text>- she takes this market idea seriously and follows through with what it means analytically&#xD;
- Her claim is that economics has two persepectives on it:&#xD;
research on charitable giving: charity - but ignores organisational aspect 44&#xD;
research on non-profit firms: non-profit as organizations - but ignores the charity aspect&#xD;
- donors are the buyers, not the other way round&#xD;
- NGOs are not neutral conduits of anything&#xD;
- following Hansmann (1980) relief NGOs are described as donnative and non-mutual, meaning that its income stems from donations (not business?) and that it is not primarily members that benefit (other than in a club) 46-47&#xD;
- A market in which the buyer is not the consumer (charity etc.): "The market may reflect preferences of buyers more accurately than the preferences of the end consumers." 47 Her examples here are a landlord hiring an exterminator or employer providing health insurance and negotiating the contract. But in the field of charity, there is no legal framework!!!! super important realisation. 47&#xD;
Plus: donor does not only decide about the goods but also selects the consumer. (I'd however say this is - with a different sequencing also true for the landlord or the employer.) &#xD;
- "What is being consumed by donors are not pots and pans or tents or food, but the act of giving. This should invite us to rethink our expectations about the organization's process of planning, production, and marketing." 47</Text>
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\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 - she takes this market idea seriously and follows through with what it means analytically}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1\cs10\par}\pard\plain\itap0\s0\fi0\sb0\sa120&#xD;
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\hich\f1 persepectives}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 on it:}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1\cs10\par}\pard\plain\itap0\s0\fi0\sb0\sa120\widctlpar\ltrpar\li0\lin0\ri0\rin0&#xD;
\ql\faauto\sl240\slmult1\rtlch\afs20\ltrch\fs18\f1{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 research on charitable giving:\~charity - but ignores organisational aspect 44}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1\cs10\par}\pard\plain\itap0\s0\fi0\sb0\sa120\widctlpar\ltrpar\li0\lin0\ri0\rin0\ql\faauto\sl240\slmult1\rtlch\afs20\ltrch\fs18\f1{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 research on non-profit firms: non-profit as organizations - but ignores the charity aspect}&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1\cs10\par}\pard\plain\itap0\s0\fi0\sb0\sa120\widctlpar\ltrpar\li0\lin0\ri0\rin0\ql\faauto\sl240\slmult1\rtlch\afs20\ltrch\fs18\f1{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 - donors are the buyers, not the other way round}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1\cs10\par}\pard\plain\itap0\s0\fi0\sb0\sa120\widctlpar\ltrpar\li0\lin0\ri0\rin0\ql\faauto\sl240\slmult1&#xD;
\rtlch\afs20\ltrch\fs18\f1{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 - }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 NGOs}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 are not neutral conduits of anything}&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1\cs10\par}\pard\plain\itap0\s0\fi0\sb0\sa120\widctlpar\ltrpar\li0\lin0\ri0\rin0\ql\faauto\sl240\slmult1\rtlch\afs20\ltrch\fs18\f1{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 - following }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 Hansmann}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 (1980) relief }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 NGOs}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 are described as }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 donnative}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 and non-mutual, meaning that its income stems from donations (not business?) and that it is not primarily members that benefit\~(other than in a club) 46-47}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1\cs10&#xD;
\par}\pard\plain\itap0\s0\fi0\sb0\sa120\widctlpar\ltrpar\li0\lin0\ri0\rin0\ql\faauto\sl240\slmult1\rtlch\afs20\ltrch\fs18\f1{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 - A market in which the buyer is not the consumer (charity }&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 etc}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 .): "The market may reflect preferences of buyers more accurately than the preferences of the end consumers." 47 Her examples here are a landlord hiring an exterminator or employer providing health insurance and negotiating the contract. But in the field of charity, there is no legal framework!!!! super important realisation. 47}&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1\cs10\par}\pard\plain\itap0\s0\fi0\sb0\sa120\widctlpar\ltrpar\li0\lin0\ri0\rin0\ql\faauto\sl240\slmult1\rtlch\afs20\ltrch\fs18\f1{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 Plus: donor does not only decide about the goods but also selects the consumer. (I'd however say this is - with a different sequencing also true for the landlord or the employer.) }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1\cs10\par}\pard\plain\itap0\s0\fi0\sb0\sa120\widctlpar\ltrpar\li0\lin0\ri0\rin0\ql\faauto\sl240\slmult1\rtlch\afs20\ltrch\fs18\f1{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 - "What is being consumed by donors are not pots and pans or tents or food, but the act of giving. This should invite us to rethink our expectations about the organization's process of planning, production, and marketing." 47}&#xD;
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<Text>Political science or at least IR would place UNDP as an international organisation and Nahnoo as a Lebanese NGO on different ends of a spectrum. The one is global and international, the other one is local and national. &#xD;
&gt; IR is really reproducing the distinctionary categories that order reality and reinforces them maybe even beyond their relevance in practice&#xD;
They could however also be seen as organisations that are both non-profit (in theory), function as implementers (to a certain degree), and donnative and non-mutual (Krause 2014: 46)</Text>
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\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 Political science or at least IR\~would place UNDP as an international organisation and }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 Nahnoo}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 as a Lebanese NGO on different ends of a spectrum. The one is global and international, the other one is local and national. }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1\cs10\par}\pard\plain\itap0\s0\fi0\sb0\sa120&#xD;
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\hich\f1 distinctionary}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 categories that order reality and reinforces them maybe even beyond their relevance in practice}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1&#xD;
\dbch\af1\hich\f1\cs10\par}\pard\plain\itap0\s0\fi0\sb0\sa120\widctlpar\ltrpar\li0\lin0\ri0\rin0\ql\faauto\sl240\slmult1\rtlch\afs20\ltrch\fs18\f1{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 They could however also be seen as organisations that are both non-profit (in theory), function as implementers (to a certain degree), and }&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 donnative}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 and non-mutual (Krause 2014: 46)}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1&#xD;
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<Text>She says that the benfeciaries or populations in need cannot be divided from the organisation doing the project, nor from the project itself.&#xD;
"A specified target population is an impirtant part of the definition of a project." 50&#xD;
And populations in need do labor (51)&#xD;
"Beneficiariesare rarely simply benefiting ina passive way. They cooperate with and contribute to the project.in various ways. In what follows I ana- lyze this cooperation to show .thatifthe project is produced and sold, beneficiaries are not just part of that product but also labor for it." 51</Text>
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\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 She says that the }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 benfeciaries}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 or populations in need cannot be divided from the organisation doing the project, nor from the project itself.}&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1\cs10\par}\pard\plain\itap0\s0\fi0\sb0\sa120\widctlpar\ltrpar\li0\lin0\ri0\rin0\ql\faauto\sl240\slmult1\rtlch\afs20\ltrch\fs18\f1{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 "A specified target population is an }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 impirtant}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 part of the definition of a project." 50}&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1\cs10\par}\pard\plain\itap0\s0\fi0\sb0\sa120\widctlpar\ltrpar\li0\lin0\ri0\rin0\ql\faauto\sl240\slmult1\rtlch\afs20\ltrch\fs18\f1{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 And populations in need do }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 labor}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 (51)}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1\cs10\par}\pard\plain\itap0\s0\fi0\sb0\sa120\widctlpar\ltrpar\li0\lin0\ri0\rin0\ql\faauto\sl240\slmult1\rtlch\afs20\ltrch\fs18\f1{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 "}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 Beneficiariesare}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 rarely simply benefiting }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 ina}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 passive way. They cooperate with and contribute to the }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 project.in}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 various ways. In what follows I }&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 ana}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 - }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 lyze}{\rtlch\af0\afs24&#xD;
\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 this cooperation to show .}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 thatifthe}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 project is produced and sold, beneficiaries are not just part of that product but also }&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 labor}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 for it." 51 }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1\cs10\par}{\*\latentstyles\lsdstimax267\lsdlockeddef0\lsdsemihiddendef1\lsdunhideuseddef1\lsdqformatdef0\lsdprioritydef99&#xD;
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<Text>while different in so far as the people whose needs are assessed are a) professionals and b) not the victims of a catastrophe, the assessment that Rohan and Christelle had done can well be compared to the way assessments are described here by Krause 52-53&#xD;
Interesting points.:&#xD;
- assessments already require people's cooperation and concretely: labor before anything is delivered&#xD;
- There is no guarantee that assessments are followed up by actual projects and there might be several assessments in parallel or repetaedly by different sectors and agencies. &gt; there is already a name for the resulting phenomenon "Assessment Fatigue" 53, and it has been problematised in practice and reports&#xD;
- assessments can take on a life of their own (whatever exactly this means) 52</Text>
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<Text>Chapter 6 is extremely interesting to me because of two aspects: first, it compares human rights practices and the field of organisations/its history to that of humanitarianian assistance. Second, she opens up the basic distinction between ideas – practices – organisations.&#xD;
&#xD;
Her argument goes: there is basically two camps of scholars, those that say HR&amp;humanitarianism go together or not. and then comes her qualification: ""Whether scholars and commentators assume an essential unity or an essential difference between these approaches, whether they prefer one over the other, subscribe to both or reject both, they often share a focus on the content of ideas. I have argued in chapter 1 that ideas are not just contested, or contradictory, but are, on a very basic level, in their relation-ship to practice, indeterminate. I will now argue that in order to understand the role of human rights and the relationship between human rights and humanitarian relief, we need to distinguish first between human rights and humanitarian relief as sets of ideas, second between the universe of practices that are or could be claimed to-be human rights or humanitarian practices, and third between the field of human rights organizations and the field of humanitarian relief organizations.&#xD;
I have argued that the practices that could be claimed to be humanitarian practices are diverse and are not confined to specific: organizations or actors. Similarly, the practices that could be claimed to be human rights practices are not confined to human rights organizations. Practices by local social movement actors, and state officials, for example, are or could be claimed as human rights practices according to one definition or another.' " p.150&#xD;
&#xD;
Another interesting aspect is that she frames both HR and HUM as "a way of relating to distant suffering" 148 (doesn't she quote COOKE on it elsewhere?) - I think that is a very interesting way of seeing it. I would also see development and DP as forms of relating to distant societies/orders that one wants to maintain influence on. &#xD;
In the first paragraph she even enunciates development, 'conflict resolution' and 'peace building' as readings:&#xD;
"Humanitarianism is not the only discourse that plays a role in framing how Western audiences read social problems in faraway places. 'Development' has been an important concept since the end of colonialism, but it has lost some of its power, partly because of the rise of humanitarian relief." 147&#xD;
&#xD;
The parts where she describes practices and also how HR has become integrated/appropriated in HUM are very interesting because it provides many relevant points of comaprison.</Text>
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<Text>the whole chapter is about the divisions/differentiations between NGOs in the field. &#xD;
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The major point then is that "[a]gencies develop their policy positions not only directly in response to practical dilemmas but from within a field" (122) &gt; I would even add that they develop all their actions and thinking (not exclusively but also) from within this specific field. At the same time, though, such a separation of "practical dillemmas" and field might obscure that also an assessment of what the practical dilemmas are is not neutral, it's not independent of these other aspects but dialectically related.</Text>
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- intially a combination of "the authority of the duffering produced by war with the authority of the states responsible for that suffering, and the authority of the medical profession." 124&#xD;
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<Text>Krause looks at two major reform projects in the field of humanitarian aid since the 90s, Sphere and HAP.&#xD;
She considers these as "forms of self-observation and reflexivity" 126, and adds that there is a certain irony (or so) to the fact that here humanitarianism, which is in itself a kind of reform project/movement, or at least a component of many major societal reform projects, now turns onto itself, reforming itself 138&#xD;
There is an interesting statement on/critque of critique in this field as ritualistic on p. 127, taken from Alex de Waal (1997) Famine Crimes p. xvi&#xD;
Her basic argument is that also these reform processes are "mediated by the focus of agencies on producing projects and by the symbolic divisions among actors in the field" 128. So in other words, every attempt to reform is filtered/funneled through the managerial practices (or logic of practice) and the structures of the field. The reform attempts "have become incorporated into the logic of the humanitarian field" [I am sceptical about this latter point because I am not sure that it is the field-specific logics that have given the reform its shape. Isn't it this whole idea of managerialism that is more decisive? And isn't it telling that Sphere itself is a PROJECT?]&#xD;
Once it has been adopted into practice, Sphere basically introduces "a standard for the products of relief; in some tension with the intentions of the project [of Sphere itself], it begins to work in analogy to a technical, and not a professional standard." 128&#xD;
HAP on the other hand suffered more from the problem that the beneficiaries don't simply take on the role that they are expected to take on in complaining etc. This means you first have to train or "socialize" them into how to criticise, or "into a specific role". 142 She does not quite address the fact that beneficiaries (imho rightly so) complain about larger politcal issues and constellations. [So in a way it is a conflict between: please complain but do it on a managerial level. And ppl complaining politically. She actually has so far not used the term depoliticise!]&#xD;
She draws the conclusion [I don't know how she got there....] that HAP does not empower beneficiaries as consumers but rather functions like a voluntary fair-trade standard in which the beneficiaries are akin to laborers, and donors as consumers are "discipline[d]" 142-144, quote 144.&#xD;
There is a whole subchapter on professionalisation which briefly discusses the relationship of professionalisation to these reform projects and of porfessions and the field. 135-138</Text>
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\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 Krause looks at two major reform projects in the field of humanitarian aid since the }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 90s}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 , Sphere and HAP.}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1\cs10\par}\pard\plain\itap0\s0\fi0\sb0\sa120\widctlpar\ltrpar\li0\lin0\ri0\rin0\ql\faauto\sl240\slmult1\rtlch\afs20\ltrch\fs18\f1{\rtlch\af0\afs24&#xD;
\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 She considers these as "forms of self-observation and reflexivity" 126, and adds that there is a certain irony (or so) to the fact that here humanitarianism, which is in itself a kind of reform }{&#xD;
\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 project/movement}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 , or at least a component of many major societal reform projects, now turns onto itself, reforming itself 138}&#xD;
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{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 Waal}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 (1997) Famine Crimes p. xvi}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1&#xD;
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{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 filtered/funneled}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 through the managerial practices (or logic of practice) and the structures of the field. The reform attempts "have become incorporated into the logic of the humanitarian field" [I am sceptical about this latter point because I am not sure that it is the field-specific logics that have given the reform its shape. Isn't it this whole idea of }&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 managerialism}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 that is more decisive? And isn't it telling that Sphere itself is a PROJECT?]}{\rtlch\af0\afs24&#xD;
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{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\i\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 products}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 of relief; in some tension with the intentions of the project [of Sphere itself], it begins to work in analogy to a technical, and not a professional standard." 128}&#xD;
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{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 . This means you first have to train or "socialize" them into how to criticise, or "into a specific role". 142 She does not quite address the fact that beneficiaries (}{\rtlch\af0\afs24&#xD;
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{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 laborers}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 , and donors as consumers are "}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1&#xD;
\hich\f1 discipline[d}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 ]" 142-144, quote 144.}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1\cs10\par}\pard\plain\itap0\s0\fi0\sb0\sa120\widctlpar\ltrpar\li0\lin0\ri0\rin0&#xD;
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<Text>There is a whole subchapter on professionalisation which briefly discusses the relationship of professionalisation to these reform projects and of professions and the field. &#xD;
&#xD;
- The benefit of Professionalisation in humanitarian relief is contested 135-136&#xD;
- She references Stichweh and Abbott on professionalisation and fields; and mainly Barnett on professionalisation in humanitarian field. 135&#xD;
- Sphere has been considered a professional standard "But it is important to remember that these classical professions precisely resist the standardization of output. In the classical professions, standardization is in tension with professional autonomy." 136 &gt; she reads the debates and practices in medicine as one where professionalism is somehow in the person (rather than in a standard for output/product); alternatively, it is a standard for conduct - but in any case not one for the product 136 - in medicine, this standardization of products can even be seen as deprofessionalization 136&#xD;
In terms of field: the humanitarian field is not identical with one profession (other than the field of law) 137 - [but I feel her account is somewhat unclear because on different occasions, she seems to nearly equate it with medicine. in any case, medicine seems to represent the core? 137]&#xD;
there is something about the sacred and profane (137)</Text>
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{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af0\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 and Abbott on }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af0\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 professionalisation}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af0&#xD;
\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 and fields;\~and mainly Barnett on }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af0\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 professionalisation}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af0\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 in humanitarian field. 135}&#xD;
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\loch\af0\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 - Sphere has been considered a professional standard "But it is important to remember that these classical professions precisely resist the standardization of output. In the classical professions, standardization is in tension with professional autonomy." 136 &gt;\~she reads the debates and practices in medicine as one where professionalism is somehow in the person (rather than in a standard for }&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af0\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 output/product}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af0\dbch\af0\hich\f0\cf1 ); alternatively, it is a standard for conduct - but in any case not one for the product 136 - in medicine, this standardization of products can even be seen as }&#xD;
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<Text>from her book, one can get the impression that the notion that accountability runs upward is rather common sense. The quote is only one example:&#xD;
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<Text>"Whether scholars and commentators assume an essential unity or an essential difference between these approaches, whether they prefer one over the other, subscribe to both or reject both, they often share a focus on the content of ideas. I have argued in chapter 1 that ideas are not just contested, or contradictory, but are, on a very basic level, in their relation-ship to practice, indeterminate. I will now argue that in order to understand the role of human rights and the relationship between human rights and humanitarian relief, we need to distinguish first between human rights and humanitarian relief as sets of ideas, second between the universe of practices that are or could be claimed to-be human rights or humanitarian practices, and third between the field of human rights organizations and the field of humanitarian relief organizations.&#xD;
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<Text>She has a chart on p. 151 that opens up 11 distinctions that cut across humanitarian or human rights. These "axes of variation" are independent of each other.&#xD;
short-term vs long-term goals&#xD;
short-term vs. long-term funding&#xD;
short-term needs vs. long-term needs&#xD;
local/within national borders/across national borders/within the borders of an empire&#xD;
respect vs. partonizing attitude&#xD;
state-sponsored vs. not state-sponsored&#xD;
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self-organized vs. on behalf of others&#xD;
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<Text>I find this chart very interesting but am also quite surprised that she suddenly pulls this out of her hat. No references come with it, and it is not used much in the follwoing pages. Even though if she is serious, it would be a very interesting tool for analysing the field, no?&#xD;
Also, these categories seem to mirror what I have been writing in the memo 11.5.17 - I there collected alternative categories of differentiation (or axes of variation if you want to call them that way) that are relevant for my field (compared to the state-political, group-political, and religious pollution she has found). They might be of a more discoursive type. (Or is that a question of perspective only?)</Text>
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\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 I find this chart very interesting but am also quite surprised that she suddenly pulls this out of her hat. No references come with it, and it is not used much in the }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
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<Text>Practices diverse but hierarchy in power to shape definition: "There is a set of organizations that under- stand themselves as humanitarian organizations and see humanitarian organizations as their peers, and a set of organizations that understand themselves as human rights organizations and see human rights orga- nizations as their peers. I focus here on what Alex de Waa} has termed&#xD;
secondary-as opposed to primary-human nghts.organlzations," The practices in the field of human rights organizations are only a subset of all human rights practices-but the organizations that strive to be part of the global field of human rights organizations have been influential in the way the concept of human rights is imagined inthe international arena." In its shared routines and practices, the organizations that form part of the field of human rights select from the range of meanings that the concept of human rights might have in terms of action." 152&#xD;
&#xD;
History of the field; also here a boom in the 1980/90s, Dezalay and Garth as main reference&#xD;
consolidation of the field in a specific way, related to actors and linking to certain practices:&#xD;
"It is important to note that the most prominent specialized human rights organizations interpretthe concept of human rights in a specific way. As partofits consblidationas a field, human rights has taken a legal turn, a development that does not bynecessity follow from the ideas handed down as human.rtghts, for example, in the antislavery move- ment." Human rights organizations ofthis type callforvery specificprac- tices. Human rights organizations focus on collecting evidence in specific ways, and on writing reports. They engage in advocacy work, conduct campaigns, and educate people about rights. As Alex deWaalhas pointed out, these organizations combine a focus on research, documentation, and publication with the skilled use ofthemedia and lobbying of politt- dans to maketheir concerns known. The basic premise ofthese activities is thatif people or the public know about an abuse, theywill be movedto wanttostopit}6 CliffordBobidentifiestheproductinwhatheanalyzesas "the marketforhumanrights" as "information."!?" &#xD;
&gt; These practices are very similar to the ones I saw in Nahnoo!&#xD;
&#xD;
She provides me – thanks good with the argument that some see HR as part of DP p. 154</Text>
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<Text>Together with the subsequent chapter, i feel,"The field of HR organizations" shows the blurring of practices and lines. She also quotes one reading of HR as aiming for DP (154, drawing on NICHOLAS GUILHOT). And states that HR has been incorporated into development aid.</Text>
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<Text>I think the examples and analyses in her book repeatedly point us to the inertia of practices.&#xD;
One case:&#xD;
"Relief workers incorporate the concept [of human rights] in ways that fit with what they have already been doing; in its different meanings, it is mediated by practcies of project managment, and by the practices of symbolic contestation." 167&#xD;
But I'd say it's similar for the logframe, and the reform projects Sphere and HAP; she even somewhere else spoke of old wine in new bottles and how we'd still have to analyse these new bottles as the institutions matter (p.63)&#xD;
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<Text>"Der „Profi" am Flugsimulator, der auch nachts mit seiner Maschine ohne Schramme enge Täler durchfliegt, hat sehr subtile Hypothesen über die Welt dort draußen, ohne je etwas anderes gesehen zu haben als seine Instrumente und deren Zeigers."</Text>
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<Text>"Hat man einmal die Frage gefunden, auf welche die Untersuchung eine Antwort erbringen soll, hat manschon viel gewonnen, weiß man doch jetzt, welcher Aspekt der Daten einen interessiert."</Text>
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<Text>"Klärt man diese Fragen nicht vor einer Analyse, dann bleibt sie blind und beliebig. DaßDatenvonsich ausetwaserzählen,daßausihnenohne Zutun geistiger Anspannungvonselbst etwaserwüchse, daßTheorien sich Schritt für Schritt aus Daten verdichten lassen, das ist eine Vorstellung, die genauso liebenswert und weltfremd ist wie die Vorstellung von der Existenz des Grals. Typisieren heißt immer, sich den Daten in einer bestimmten alltäglichen und wissenschaftlichen Einstellung nähern und - das ist wichtig - sich über den Prozeß der Annäherung reflexiv zu vergewissern."</Text>
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<Text>" Aufgrund der hermeneutischen Auslegung dieser Daten entlang den Prämissen einer sozialwissenschaftlichen Hermeneutik möchte ich Typen konstruieren, welche mir bei der Vermessung und Darstellung des Feldes behilflich sind."</Text>
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<Text>""Auf die Gmndiagen der sozialwissenschaftlichen Hermeneutik möchte ich hier nicht eingehen. Nur soviel: ähnlich wie die objektive Hermeneutik analysiert sie am liebsten natürliche Daten, favorisiert sie die Sequenzanalyse und möchte die objektiveBedeutungvonErscheinungenermitteln-.allerdings verzichtetsieauf weitreichende strukturtheoretischen Annahmen. Außerungen von Personen werden stets als Handlungen betrachtet und diese immer als Reaktionen auf vorangegangenesHandeln und die antizipierteBedeutungder eigenen Handlung. Und sie weisen besondere Merkmale auf. Läßt sich eine wiederkehrende Besonderheit in Aufbau und Vollzug von Handlungen ausmachen, hat man die typische Besonderheit oder die Falltypik."</Text>
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\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 nicht}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 eingehen}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 . }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 Nur}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1&#xD;
\hich\f1 }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 soviel}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 : }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 \'e4hnlich}{&#xD;
\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 wie}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 die }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057&#xD;
\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 objektive}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 Hermeneutik}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1&#xD;
\dbch\af1\hich\f1 }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 analysiert}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 sie}&#xD;
{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 am }{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 liebsten}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 }{\rtlch\af0\afs24&#xD;
\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 nat\'fcrliche}{\rtlch\af0\afs24\ltrch\fs18\lang2057\langnp2057\loch\af1\dbch\af1\hich\f1 }{\rtlch\af0\
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