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William John McGee,1902–1904,"William John McGee, LL.D. (April 17, 1853 – September 4, 1912) was an American inventor, geologist, anthropologist, and ethnologist, born in Farley, Iowa.


== Biography ==
While largely self-taught, McGee attended a rural one-room schoolhouse north of Farley during the four winter months from about 1858 to 1867.  He devoted his early years to reading law and to surveying. He invented and patented several improvements on agricultural implements.He subsequently turned his attention to geology. In 1877–1881, he executed a topographic and geological survey of 17,000 square miles (44,030 km²) in northeastern Iowa. He then undertook an examination of the loess of the Mississippi Valley, researched the great Quaternary lakes of Nevada and California and studied a recent fault movement in the middle Atlantic slope.He was appointed geologist for the United States Geological Survey (USGS) in 1881. In 1884 McGee authored the article Map of the United States exhibiting the present status of knowledge relating to the areal distribution of geologic groups for the USGS Journal.     
While with the USGS, McGee travelled to Charleston, South Carolina, in 1886 for the purpose of studying the earthquake disturbances in its vicinity.
McGee was ethnologist in charge of the Bureau of American Ethnology from 1893 to 1903.  In 1895, he explored the Isla del Tiburón, Gulf of California, home of the Seri Indians. In 1904 he was chief of the department of anthropology that organized the ""Anthropology Days"" at the 1904 Summer Olympics / Louisiana Purchase Exposition, the 1904 World's Fair. In 1907 he was appointed a member of the Inland Waterways Commission by President Roosevelt.  His other prominent positions were: acting president of the American Association for the Advancement of Science (1897–1898); president of the American Anthropological Association (1902–1912); and president of the National Geographic Society (1904–1905).
McGee was also a founding member of the Geological Society of America and was the first editor of The Geological Society of America Bulletin., in 1890Married to Anita Newcomb McGee in 1888, McGee had three children. He died in Washington, DC of cancer on September 4, 1912.


== Works ==
His publications include:

The Pleistocene History of Northeastern Iowa (1889)
The Geology of Chesapeake Bay (1888)
The Siouan Indians (1895)
Primitive Trephining (1897)
The Seri Indians (1899)
Primitive Numbers (1901)
Soil Erosion (1911)
Wells and Subsoil Water (1913)


== References ==


== External links ==
Works by William John McGee at Project Gutenberg
Works by or about William John McGee at Internet Archive
Works by William John McGee at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)"
F. W. Putnam,1905–1906,"Frederic Ward Putnam (April 16, 1839 – August 14, 1915) was an American anthropologist.


== Biography ==
Putnam was born and raised in Salem, Massachusetts, the son of Ebenezer (1797–1876) and Elizabeth (Appleton) Putnam. After leaving college, Ebenezer had for a short time engaged in fitting young men for college, but soon went into business in Cincinnati as a commission merchant, a line in which he was successful. Recalled to Salem by his father's death in 1826, Ebenezer married there and devoted himself to the study and cultivation of plants and fruits, and involved himself in the Democratic Party in his county. Although frequently offered office, Ebenezer never accepted, except to serve as alderman in the so-called “model-government” of Salem when that town was first chartered as a city, and as postmaster of Salem.Frederic's early studies were at private schools, and with his father at home. He became curator of ornithology at the Essex Institute in Salem in 1856. That year he published List of the Birds of Essex County. A visit of Louis Agassiz to Salem, who appreciated his abilities, resulted in his taking his college studies at the Lawrence Scientific School of Harvard University, where he was a student of Agassiz at the Museum of Comparative Zoology which was also part of Harvard. However, he broke with Agassiz over the theory of evolution and led his fellow students in an academic revolt. Putnam graduated from Harvard in 1862, and his early work was as a naturalist done with fellow students he had first met while studying under Agassiz, Edward Sylvester Morse, A. S. Packard and Alpheus Hyatt.  These four were later the founders of the American Naturalist in 1867. Putnam originated The Naturalist's Directory in 1865.
In 1864 Putnam became the first director of the Peabody Museum of Salem.  He was closely involved with convincing George Peabody to put up the money to found the museum.  In 1867 he was appointed superintendent of the East Indian Marine Society's Museum at Salem.In 1865, Putnam published a paper on “An Indian Grave and its Contents, on Winter Island, Salem, Massachusetts.” His archeological activity may be said to date from the publication of this paper, for, on looking over the long list of titles of his publications, it will be seen that, from this time, papers on early American man steadily increase in number, and the work of the zoologist practically ceases.In 1874 Putnam became the curator of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard University from 1874 to 1909. Putnam was personable and recruited many students, including women and Native Americans. He directed archæological digs across 37 U.S. states and in other countries. In 1875, he was appointed civilian assistant on the United States surveys west of the 100th meridian, his duties being to make investigations and reports of the archæological and ethnological material collected. Putnam studied both natural history and North American archeology.  Among other projects, Putnam did an archaeological survey of Ohio from 1880–1895, where he was instrumental in having the Great Serpent Mound preserved. He also surveyed New Jersey extensively.Putnam was appointed the lead curator and head of the anthropology department in 1891 for the World's Columbian Exposition, to be held in Chicago in 1893. He spent much of the two years leading up to the exposition organizing and directing expeditions dispatched to all parts of the Americas and other parts of the world to gather natural history and ethnographic items for the exhibition. As the exposition was drawing to a close, Putnam agitated for a permanent home to be found for the collection of artifacts amassed under his supervision.  Late in 1893 what was to become the Field Museum of Natural History was incorporated, opening the following year. Putnam held hopes of becoming the museum's first director but was unsuccessful.Putnam was also active in professional organizations, which were rapidly organizing.  In 1882 he was elected a member of the American Antiquarian Society, and in 1898 he was elected president of the American Association for the Advancement of Science.  In 1901 he was president of the American Folklore Society.  In 1905 he was president of the American Anthropological Association. He was invited to become a member of the National Academy of Sciences and of many foreign learned societies.
Putnam is widely known as the ""Father of American Archaeology"" for his contribution of scientific methods and direction of many of the nascent field's best students, including Arthur C. Parker.He died in Cambridge, Massachusetts on 14 August 1915.


== Recognition ==
A species of Mexican snake, Manolepis putnami, is named in his honor.


== Notes ==


== References =="
Franz Boas,1907–1908,"Franz Uri Boas (1858–1942) was a German-born American anthropologist and a pioneer of modern anthropology who has been called the ""Father of American Anthropology"". His work is associated with the movements known as Historical Particularism and Cultural Relativism.Studying in Germany, Boas was awarded a doctorate in 1881 in physics while also studying geography. He then participated in a geographical expedition to northern Canada, where he became fascinated with the culture and language of the Baffin Island Inuit. He went on to do field work with the indigenous cultures and languages of the Pacific Northwest. In 1887 he emigrated to the United States, where he first worked as a museum curator at the Smithsonian, and in 1899 became a professor of anthropology at Columbia University, where he remained for the rest of his career. Through his students, many of whom went on to found anthropology departments and research programmes inspired by their mentor, Boas profoundly influenced the development of American anthropology. Among his most significant students were A. L. Kroeber, Ruth Benedict, Edward Sapir, Margaret Mead, Zora Neale Hurston, Gilberto Freyre and many others.Boas was one of the most prominent opponents of the then-popular ideologies of scientific racism, the idea that race is a biological concept and that human behavior is best understood through the typology of biological characteristics. In a series of groundbreaking studies of skeletal anatomy he showed that cranial shape and size was highly malleable depending on environmental factors such as health and nutrition, in contrast to the claims by racial anthropologists of the day that held head shape to be a stable racial trait. Boas also worked to demonstrate that differences in human behavior are not primarily determined by innate biological dispositions but are largely the result of cultural differences acquired through social learning. In this way, Boas introduced culture as the primary concept for describing differences in behavior between human groups, and as the central analytical concept of anthropology.Among Boas's main contributions to anthropological thought was his rejection of the then-popular evolutionary approaches to the study of culture, which saw all societies progressing through a set of hierarchic technological and cultural stages, with Western European culture at the summit. Boas argued that culture developed historically through the interactions of groups of people and the diffusion of ideas and that consequently there was no process towards continuously ""higher"" cultural forms. This insight led Boas to reject the ""stage""-based organization of ethnological museums, instead preferring to order items on display based on the affinity and proximity of the cultural groups in question.
Boas also introduced the ideology of cultural relativism, which holds that cultures cannot be objectively ranked as higher or lower, or better or more correct, but that all humans see the world through the lens of their own culture, and judge it according to their own culturally acquired norms. For Boas, the object of anthropology was to understand the way in which culture conditioned people to understand and interact with the world in different ways and to do this it was necessary to gain an understanding of the language and cultural practices of the people studied. By uniting the disciplines of archaeology, the study of material culture and history, and physical anthropology, the study of variation in human anatomy, with ethnology, the study of cultural variation of customs, and descriptive linguistics, the study of unwritten indigenous languages, Boas created the four-field subdivision of anthropology which became prominent in American anthropology in the 20th century.


== Early life and education ==
Franz Boas was born on July 9, 1858, in Minden, Westphalia, the son of Sophie Meyer and Meier Boas. Although his grandparents were observant Jews, his parents embraced Enlightenment values, including their assimilation into modern German society. Boas's parents were educated, well-to-do, and liberal; they did not like dogma of any kind. Due to this, Boas was granted the independence to think for himself and pursue his own interests. Early in life, he displayed a penchant for both nature and natural sciences. Boas vocally opposed antisemitism and refused to convert to Christianity, but he did not identify himself as a Jew. This is disputed however by Ruth Bunzel, a protégée of Boas, who called him ""the essential protestant; he valued autonomy above all things."" According to his biographer, ""He was an 'ethnic' German, preserving and promoting German culture and values in America."" In an autobiographical sketch, Boas wrote:

The background of my early thinking was a German home in which the ideals of the revolution of 1848 were a living force. My father, liberal, but not active in public affairs; my mother, idealistic, with a lively interest in public matters; the founder about 1854 of the kindergarten in my hometown, devoted to science. My parents had broken through the shackles of dogma. My father had retained an emotional affection for the ceremonial of his parental home, without allowing it to influence his intellectual freedom.
From kindergarten on, Boas was educated in natural history, a subject he enjoyed. In gymnasium, he was most proud of his research on the geographic distribution of plants.

When he started his university studies, Boas first attended Heidelberg University for a semester followed by four terms at Bonn University, studying physics, geography, and mathematics at these schools.  In 1879, he hoped to transfer to Berlin University to study physics under Hermann von Helmholtz, but ended up transferring to the University of Kiel instead due to family reasons.  At Kiel, Boas studied under Theobald Fischer and received a doctorate in physics in 1881 for his dissertation entitled Contributions to the Understanding of the Color of Water, which examined the absorption, reflection, and the polarization of light in seawater.  Although technically Boas' doctorate degree was in physics, his advisor Fischer, a student of Carl Ritter, was primarily a geographer and thus some biographers view Boas as more of a geographer than a physicist at this stage.  The combination of physics and geography also may have been accomplished through a major in physics and a minor in geography.  For his part Boas self-identified as a geographer by this time, prompting his sister, Toni, to write in 1883 ""After long years of infidelity, my brother was re-conquered by geography, the first love of his boyhood.""In his dissertation research, Boas' methodology included investigating how different intensities of light created different colors when interacting with different types of water, however, he encountered difficulty in being able to objectively perceive slight differences in the color of water and as a result became intrigued by this problem of perception and its influence on quantitative measurements. Boas, due to tone deafness, encountered difficulties studying tonal languages such as Laguna. Boas had already been interested in Kantian philosophy since taking a course on aesthetics with Kuno Fischer at Heidelberg. These factors led Boas to consider pursuing research in psychophysics, which explores the relationship between the psychological and the physical, after completing his doctorate, but he had no training in psychology.  Boas did publish six articles on psychophysics during his year of military service (1882–1883), but ultimately he decided to focus on geography, primarily so he could receive sponsorship for his planned Baffin Island expedition.


== Post-graduate studies ==
Boas took up geography as a way to explore his growing interest in the relationship between subjective experience and the objective world. At the time, German geographers were divided over the causes of cultural variation. Many argued that the physical environment was the principal determining factor, but others (notably Friedrich Ratzel) argued that the diffusion of ideas through human migration is more important. In 1883, encouraged by Theobald Fischer, Boas went to Baffin Island to conduct geographic research on the impact of the physical environment on native Inuit migrations. The first of many ethnographic field trips, Boas culled his notes to write his first monograph titled The Central Eskimo, which was published in 1888 in the 6th Annual Report from the Bureau of American Ethnology. Boas lived and worked closely with the Inuit peoples on Baffin Island, and he developed an abiding interest in the way people lived.In the perpetual darkness of the Arctic winter, Boas reported, he and his traveling companion became lost and were forced to keep sledding for twenty-six hours through ice, soft snow, and temperatures that dropped below −46 °C. The following day, Boas penciled in his diary,
I often ask myself what advantages our 'good society' possesses over that of the 'savages' and find, the more I see of their customs, that we have no right to look down upon them ... We have no right to blame them for their forms and superstitions which may seem ridiculous to us. We 'highly educated people' are much worse, relatively speaking ...
Boas went on to explain in the same entry that ""all service, therefore, which a man can perform for humanity must serve to promote truth."" Boas was forced to depend on various Inuit groups for everything from directions and food to shelter and companionship. It was a difficult year filled with tremendous hardships that included frequent bouts of disease, mistrust, pestilence, and danger. Boas successfully searched for areas not yet surveyed and found unique ethnographic objects, but the long winter and the lonely treks across perilous terrain forced him to search his soul to find a direction for his life as a scientist and a citizen.Boas's interest in indigenous communities grew as he worked at the Royal Ethnological Museum in Berlin, where he was introduced to members of the Nuxalk Nation of British Columbia, which sparked a lifelong relationship with the First Nations of the Pacific Northwest.
He returned to Berlin to complete his studies. In 1886, Boas defended (with Helmholtz's support) his habilitation thesis, Baffin Land, and was named privatdozent in geography.
While on Baffin Island he began to develop his interest in studying non-Western cultures (resulting in his book, The Central Eskimo, published in 1888). In 1885, Boas went to work with physical anthropologist Rudolf Virchow and ethnologist Adolf Bastian at the Royal Ethnological Museum in Berlin. Boas had studied anatomy with Virchow two years earlier while preparing for the Baffin Island expedition. At the time, Virchow was involved in a vociferous debate over evolution with his former student, Ernst Haeckel. Haeckel had abandoned his medical practice to study comparative anatomy after reading Charles Darwin's The Origin of Species, and vigorously promoted Darwin's ideas in Germany. However, like most other natural scientists prior to the rediscovery of Mendelian genetics in 1900 and the development of the modern synthesis, Virchow felt that Darwin's theories were weak because they lacked a theory of cellular mutability. Accordingly, Virchow favored Lamarckian models of evolution. This debate resonated with debates among geographers. Lamarckians believed that environmental forces could precipitate rapid and enduring changes in organisms that had no inherited source; thus, Lamarckians and environmental determinists often found themselves on the same side of debates.
But Boas worked more closely with Bastian, who was noted for his antipathy to environmental determinism. Instead, he argued for the ""psychic unity of mankind"", a belief that all humans had the same intellectual capacity, and that all cultures were based on the same basic mental principles. Variations in custom and belief, he argued, were the products of historical accidents. This view resonated with Boas's experiences on Baffin Island and drew him towards anthropology.
While at the Royal Ethnological Museum Boas became interested in the Native Americans in the Pacific Northwest, and after defending his habilitation thesis, he left for a three-month trip to British Columbia via New York. In January 1887, he was offered a job as assistant editor of the journal Science. Alienated by growing antisemitism and nationalism as well as the very limited academic opportunities for a geographer in Germany, Boas decided to stay in the United States. Possibly he received additional motivation for this decision from his romance with Marie Krackowizer, whom he married in the same year.
Aside from his editorial work at Science, Boas secured an appointment as docent in anthropology at Clark University, in 1888. Boas was concerned about university president G. Stanley Hall's interference in his research, yet in 1889 he was appointed as the head of a newly created department of anthropology at Clark University. In the early 1890s, he went on a series of expeditions which were referred to as the Morris K. Jesup Expedition. The primary goal of these expeditions was to illuminate Asiatic-American relations. In 1892 Boas, along with another member of the Clark faculty, resigned in protest of the alleged infringement by Hall on academic freedom.


== World's Columbian Exposition ==

Anthropologist Frederic Ward Putnam, director and curator of the Peabody Museum at Harvard University, who had been appointed as head of the Department of Ethnology and Archeology for the Chicago Fair in 1892, chose Boas as his first assistant at Chicago to prepare for the 1893 World's Columbian Exposition or Chicago World's Fair, the 400th anniversary of Christopher Columbus's arrival in the Americas. Boas had a chance to apply his approach to exhibits. Boas directed a team of about one hundred assistants, mandated to create anthropology and ethnology exhibits on the Indians of North America and South America that were living at the time Christopher Columbus arrived in America while searching for India. Putnam intended the World's Columbian Exposition to be a celebration of Columbus' voyage. Putnam argued that showing late nineteenth century Inuit and First Nations (then called Eskimo and Indians) ""in their natural conditions of life"" would provide a contrast and celebrate the four centuries of Western accomplishments since 1493.Franz Boas traveled north to gather ethnographic material for the Exposition. Boas had intended public science in creating exhibitions for the Exposition where visitors to the Midway could learn about other cultures. Boas arranged for fourteen Kwakwaka'wakw aboriginals from British Columbia to come and reside in a mock Kwakwaka'wakw village, where they could perform their daily tasks in context. Inuit were there with 12-foot-long whips made of sealskin, wearing sealskin clothing and showing how adept they were in sealskin kayaks. His experience with the Exposition provided the first of a series of shocks to Franz Boas' faith in public anthropology. The visitors were not there to be educated. By 1916, Boas had come to recognize with a certain resignation that ""the number of people in our country who are willing and able to enter into the modes of thought of other nations is altogether too small ... The American who is cognizant only of his own standpoint sets himself up as arbiter of the world.""After the exposition, the ethnographic material collected formed the basis of the newly created Field Museum in Chicago with Boas as the curator of anthropology. He worked there until 1894, when he was replaced (against his will) by BAE archeologist William Henry Holmes.
In 1896, Boas was appointed Assistant Curator of Ethnology and Somatology of the American Museum of Natural History under Putnam. In 1897, he organized the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, a five-year-long field-study of the natives of the Pacific Northwest, whose ancestors had migrated across the Bering Strait from Siberia. He attempted to organize exhibits along contextual, rather than evolutionary, lines. He also developed a research program in line with his curatorial goals: describing his instructions to his students in terms of widening contexts of interpretation within a society, he explained that ""... they get the specimens; they get explanations of the specimens; they get connected texts that partly refer to the specimens and partly to abstract things concerning the people; and they get grammatical information"". These widening contexts of interpretation were abstracted into one context, the context in which the specimens, or assemblages of specimens, would be displayed: ""... we want a collection arranged according to tribes, in order to teach the particular style of each group"". His approach, however, brought him into conflict with the President of the Museum, Morris Jesup, and its director, Hermon Bumpus. By 1900 Boas had begun to retreat from American museum anthropology as a tool of education or reform (Hinsley 1992: 361). He resigned in 1905, never to work for a museum again.


== Fin de siècle debates ==


=== Science versus history ===
Some scholars, like Boas's student Alfred Kroeber, believed that Boas used his research in physics as a model for his work in anthropology. Many others, however—including Boas's student Alexander Lesser, and later researchers such as Marian W. Smith, Herbert S. Lewis, and Matti Bunzl—have pointed out that Boas explicitly rejected physics in favor of history as a model for his anthropological research.
This distinction between science and history has its origins in 19th-century German academe, which distinguished between Naturwissenschaften (the sciences) and Geisteswissenschaften (the humanities), or between Gesetzwissenschaften (the law - giving sciences) and Geschichtswissenschaften (history). Generally, Naturwissenschaften and Gesetzwissenschaften refer to the study of phenomena that are governed by objective natural laws, while the latter terms in the two oppositions refer to those phenomena that have to mean only in terms of human perception or experience.
In 1884, Kantian philosopher Wilhelm Windelband coined the terms nomothetic and idiographic to describe these two divergent approaches. He observed that most scientists employ some mix of both, but in differing proportions; he considered physics a perfect example of a nomothetic science, and history, an idiographic science. Moreover, he argued that each approach has its origin in one of the two ""interests"" of reason Kant had identified in the Critique of Judgement—one ""generalizing"", the other ""specifying"". (Winkelband's student Heinrich Rickert elaborated on this distinction in The Limits of Concept Formation in Natural Science : A Logical Introduction to the Historical Sciences; Boas's students Alfred Kroeber and Edward Sapir relied extensively on this work in defining their own approach to anthropology.)
Although Kant considered these two interests of reason to be objective and universal, the distinction between the natural and human sciences was institutionalized in Germany, through the organization of scholarly research and teaching, following the Enlightenment. In Germany, the Enlightenment was dominated by Kant himself, who sought to establish principles based on universal rationality. In reaction to Kant, German scholars such as Johann Gottfried Herder (an influence to Boas) argued that human creativity, which necessarily takes unpredictable and highly diverse forms, is as important as human rationality. In 1795, the great linguist and philosopher Wilhelm von Humboldt called for an anthropology that would synthesize Kant's and Herder's interests. Humboldt founded the University of Berlin in 1809, and his work in geography, history, and psychology provided the milieu in which Boas's intellectual orientation matured.
Historians working in the Humboldtian tradition developed ideas that would become central in Boasian anthropology. Leopold von Ranke defined the task of the historian as ""merely to show as it actually was"", which is a cornerstone of Boas's empiricism. Wilhelm Dilthey emphasized the centrality of ""understanding"" to human knowledge, and that the lived experience of a historian could provide a basis for an empathic understanding of the situation of a historical actor. For Boas, both values were well-expressed in a quote from Goethe: ""A single action or event is interesting, not because it is explainable, but because it is true.""The influence of these ideas on Boas is apparent in his 1887 essay, ""The Study of Geography"", in which he distinguished between physical science, which seeks to discover the laws governing phenomena, and historical science, which seeks a thorough understanding of phenomena on their own terms. Boas argued that geography is and must be historical in this sense. In 1887, after his Baffin Island expedition, Boas wrote ""The Principles of Ethnological Classification"", in which he developed this argument in application to anthropology:

Ethnological phenomena are the result of the physical and psychical character of men, and of its development under the influence of the surroundings ... 'Surroundings' are the physical conditions of the country, and the sociological phenomena, i.e., the relation of man to man. Furthermore, the study of the present surroundings is insufficient: the history of the people, the influence of the regions through which it has passed on its migrations, and the people with whom it came into contact, must be considered
This formulation echoes Ratzel's focus on historical processes of human migration and culture contact and Bastian's rejection of environmental determinism. It also emphasizes culture as a context (""surroundings""), and the importance of history. These are the hallmarks of Boasian anthropology (which Marvin Harris would later call ""historical particularism""), would guide Boas's research over the next decade, as well as his instructions to future students. (See Lewis 2001b for an alternative view to Harris'.)
Although context and history were essential elements to Boas's understanding of anthropology as Geisteswissenschaften and Geschichtswissenschaften, there is one essential element that Boasian anthropology shares with Naturwissenschaften: empiricism. In 1949, Boas's student, Alfred Kroeber summed up the three principles of empiricism that define Boasian anthropology as a science:

The method of science is, to begin with, questions, not with answers, least of all with value judgments.
Science is a dispassionate inquiry and therefore cannot take over outright any ideologies ""already formulated in everyday life"" since these are themselves inevitably traditional and normally tinged with emotional prejudice.
Sweeping all-or-none, black-and-white judgments are characteristic of categorical attitudes and have no place in science, whose very nature is inferential and judicious.


=== Orthogenetic versus Darwinian evolution ===
One of the greatest accomplishments of Boas and his students was their critique of theories of physical, social, and cultural evolution current at that time. This critique is central to Boas's work in museums, as well as his work in all four fields of anthropology. As historian George Stocking noted, however, Boas's main project was to distinguish between biological and cultural heredity, and to focus on the cultural processes that he believed had the greatest influence over social life. In fact, Boas supported Darwinian theory, although he did not assume that it automatically applied to cultural and historical phenomena (and indeed was a lifelong opponent of 19th-century theories of cultural evolution, such as those of Lewis H. Morgan and Edward Burnett Tylor). The notion of evolution that the Boasians ridiculed and rejected was the then dominant belief in orthogenesis—a determinate or teleological process of evolution in which change occurs progressively regardless of natural selection. Boas rejected the prevalent theories of social evolution developed by Edward Burnett Tylor, Lewis Henry Morgan, and Herbert Spencer not because he rejected the notion of ""evolution"" per se, but because he rejected orthogenetic notions of evolution in favor of Darwinian evolution.
The difference between these prevailing theories of cultural evolution and Darwinian theory cannot be overstated: the orthogeneticists argued that all societies progress through the same stages in the same sequence. Thus, although the Inuit with whom Boas worked at Baffin Island, and the Germans with whom he studied as a graduate student, were contemporaries of one another, evolutionists argued that the Inuit were at an earlier stage in their evolution, and Germans at a later stage. 
Boasians argued that virtually every claim made by cultural evolutionists was contradicted by the data, or reflected a profound misinterpretation of the data. As Boas's student Robert Lowie remarked, ""Contrary to some misleading statements on the subject, there have been no responsible opponents of evolution as 'scientifically proved', though there has been determined hostility to an evolutionary metaphysics that falsifies the established facts"". In an unpublished lecture, Boas characterized his debt to Darwin thus:

Although the idea does not appear quite definitely expressed in Darwin's discussion of the development of mental powers, it seems quite clear that his main object has been to express his conviction that the mental faculties developed essentially without a purposive end, but they originated as variations, and were continued by natural selection. This idea was also brought out very clearly by Wallace, who emphasized that apparently reasonable activities of man might very well have developed without an actual application of reasoning.
Thus, Boas suggested that what appear to be patterns or structures in a culture were not a product of conscious design, but rather the outcome of diverse mechanisms that produce cultural variation (such as diffusion and independent invention), shaped by the social environment in which people live and act. Boas concluded his lecture by acknowledging the importance of Darwin's work: ""I hope I may have succeeded in presenting to you, however imperfectly, the currents of thought due to the work of the immortal Darwin which have helped to make anthropology what it is at the present time.""


== Early career: museum studies ==
In the late 19th century anthropology in the United States was dominated by the Bureau of American Ethnology, directed by John Wesley Powell, a geologist who favored Lewis Henry Morgan's theory of cultural evolution. The BAE was housed at the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, and the Smithsonian's curator for ethnology, Otis T. Mason, shared Powell's commitment to cultural evolution. (The Peabody Museum at Harvard University was an important, though lesser, center of anthropological research.)

It was while working on museum collections and exhibitions that Boas formulated his basic approach to culture, which led him to break with museums and seek to establish anthropology as an academic discipline.
During this period Boas made five more trips to the Pacific Northwest. His continuing field research led him to think of culture as a local context for human action. His emphasis on local context and history led him to oppose the dominant model at the time, cultural evolution.
Boas initially broke with evolutionary theory over the issue of kinship. Lewis Henry Morgan had argued that all human societies move from an initial form of matrilineal organization to patrilineal organization. First Nations groups on the northern coast of British Columbia, like the Tsimshian, and Tlingit, were organized into matrilineal clans. First Nations on the southern coast, like the Nootka and the Salish, however, were organized into patrilineal groups. Boas focused on the Kwakiutl, who lived between the two clusters. The Kwakiutl seemed to have a mix of features. Prior to marriage, a man would assume his wife's father's name and crest. His children took on these names and crests as well, although his sons would lose them when they got married. Names and crests thus stayed in the mother's line. At first, Boas—like Morgan before him—suggested that the Kwakiutl had been matrilineal like their neighbors to the north, but that they were beginning to evolve patrilineal groups. In 1897, however, he repudiated himself, and argued that the Kwakiutl were changing from a prior patrilineal organization to a matrilineal one, as they learned about matrilineal principles from their northern neighbors.
Boas's rejection of Morgan's theories led him, in an 1887 article, to challenge Mason's principles of museum display. At stake, however, were more basic issues of causality and classification. The evolutionary approach to material culture led museum curators to organize objects on display according to function or level of technological development. Curators assumed that changes in the forms of artifacts reflect some natural process of progressive evolution. Boas, however, felt that the form an artifact took reflected the circumstances under which it was produced and used. Arguing that ""[t]hough like causes have like effects like effects have not like causes"", Boas realized that even artifacts that were similar in form might have developed in very different contexts, for different reasons. Mason's museum displays, organized along evolutionary lines, mistakenly juxtapose like effects; those organized along contextual lines would reveal like causes.


=== Minik Wallace ===
In his capacity as Assistant Curator at the American Museum of Natural History, Franz Boas requested that Arctic explorer Robert E. Peary bring one Inuk from Greenland to New York. Peary obliged and brought six Inuit to New York in 1897 who lived in the basement of the American Museum of Natural History. Four of them died from tuberculosis within a year of arriving in New York, one returned to Greenland, and a young boy, Minik Wallace, remained living in the museum. Boas staged a funeral for the father of the boy and had the remains dissected and placed in the museum. Boas has been widely critiqued for his role in bringing the Inuit to New York and his disinterest in them once they had served their purpose at the museum.


== Later career: academic anthropology ==

Boas was appointed a lecturer in physical anthropology at Columbia University in 1896, and promoted to professor of anthropology in 1899. However, the various anthropologists teaching at Columbia had been assigned to different departments. When Boas left the Museum of Natural History, he negotiated with Columbia University to consolidate the various professors into one department, of which Boas would take charge. Boas's program at Columbia was the first Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) program in anthropology in America.During this time Boas played a key role in organizing the American Anthropological Association (AAA) as an umbrella organization for the emerging field. Boas originally wanted the AAA to be limited to professional anthropologists, but W. J. McGee (another geologist who had joined the BAE under Powell's leadership) argued that the organization should have an open membership. McGee's position prevailed and he was elected the organization's first president in 1902; Boas was elected a vice-president, along with Putnam, Powell, and Holmes.
At both Columbia and the AAA, Boas encouraged the ""four-field"" concept of anthropology; he personally contributed to physical anthropology, linguistics, archaeology, as well as cultural anthropology. His work in these fields was pioneering: in physical anthropology he led scholars away from static taxonomical classifications of race, to an emphasis on human biology and evolution; in linguistics he broke through the limitations of classic philology and established some of the central problems in modern linguistics and cognitive anthropology; in cultural anthropology he (along with the Polish-English anthropologist Bronisław Malinowski) established the contextualist approach to culture, cultural relativism, and the participant observation method of fieldwork.
The four-field approach understood not merely as bringing together different kinds of anthropologists into one department, but as reconceiving anthropology through the integration of different objects of anthropological research into one overarching object, was one of Boas's fundamental contributions to the discipline, and came to characterize American anthropology against that of
England, France, or Germany. This approach defines as its object the human species as a totality. This focus did not lead Boas to seek to reduce all forms of humanity and human activity to some lowest common denominator; rather, he understood the essence of the human species to be the tremendous variation in human form and activity (an approach that parallels Charles Darwin's approach to species in general).
In his 1907 essay, ""Anthropology"", Boas identified two basic questions for anthropologists: ""Why are the tribes and nations of the world different, and how have the present differences developed?"" Amplifying these questions, he explained the object of anthropological study thus:

We do not discuss the anatomical, physiological, and mental characteristics of a man considered as an individual; but we are interested in the diversity of these traits in groups of men found in different geographical areas and in different social classes. It is our task to inquire into the causes that have brought about the observed differentiation and to investigate the sequence of events that have led to the establishment of the multifarious forms of human life. In other words, we are interested in the anatomical and mental characteristics of men living under the same biological, geographical, and social environment, and as determined by their past.
These questions signal a marked break from then-current ideas about human diversity, which assumed that some people have a history, evident in a historical (or written) record, while other people, lacking writing, also lack history. For some, this distinction between two different kinds of societies explained the difference between history, sociology, economics and other disciplines that focus on people with writing, and anthropology, which was supposed to focus on people without writing. Boas rejected this distinction between kinds of societies, and this division of labor in the academy. He understood all societies to have a history, and all societies to be proper objects of the anthropological society. In order to approach literate and non-literate societies the same way, he emphasized the importance of studying human history through the analysis of other things besides written texts. Thus, in his 1904 article, ""The History of Anthropology"", Boas wrote that

The historical development of the work of anthropologists seems to single out clearly a domain of knowledge that heretofore has not been treated by any other science. It is the biological history of mankind in all its varieties; linguistics applied to people without written languages; the ethnology of people without historical records; and prehistoric archeology.
Historians and social theorists in the 18th and 19th centuries had speculated as to the causes of this differentiation, but Boas dismissed these theories, especially the dominant theories of social evolution and cultural evolution as speculative. He endeavored to establish a discipline that would base its claims on a rigorous empirical study.
One of Boas's most important books, The Mind of Primitive Man (1911), integrated his theories concerning the history and development of cultures and established a program that would dominate American anthropology for the next fifteen years. In this study, he established that in any given population, biology, language, material, and symbolic culture, are autonomous; that each is an equally important dimension of human nature, but that no one of these dimensions is reducible to another. In other words, he established that culture does not depend on any independent variables. He emphasized that the biological, linguistic, and cultural traits of any group of people are the product of historical developments involving both cultural and non-cultural forces. He established that cultural plurality is a fundamental feature of humankind and that the specific cultural environment structures much individual behavior.
Boas also presented himself as a role model for the citizen-scientist, who understand that even were the truth pursued as its own end, all knowledge has moral consequences. The Mind of Primitive Man ends with an appeal to humanism:

I hope the discussions outlined in these pages have shown that the data of anthropology teach us a greater tolerance of forms of civilization different from our own, that we should learn to look on foreign races with greater sympathy and with a conviction that, as all races have contributed in the past to cultural progress in one way or another, so they will be capable of advancing the interests of mankind if we are only willing to give them a fair opportunity.


=== Physical anthropology ===
Boas's work in physical anthropology brought together his interest in Darwinian evolution with his interest in migration as a cause of change. His most important research in this field was his study of changes in the body from among children of immigrants in New York. Other researchers had already noted differences in height, cranial measurements, and other physical features between Americans and people from different parts of Europe. Many used these differences to argue that there is an innate biological difference between races. Boas's primary interest—in symbolic and material culture and in language—was the study of processes of change; he, therefore, set out to determine whether bodily forms are also subject to processes of change. Boas studied 17,821 people, divided into seven ethno-national groups. Boas found that average measures of the cranial size of immigrants were significantly different from members of these groups who were born in the United States. Moreover, he discovered that average measures of the cranial size of children born within ten years of their mothers' arrival were significantly different from those of children born more than ten years after their mothers' arrival. Boas did not deny that physical features such as height or cranial size were inherited; he did, however, argue that the environment has an influence on these features, which is expressed through change over time. This work was central to his influential argument that differences between races were not immutable.  Boas observed:

The head form, which has always been one of the most stable and permanent characteristics of human races, undergoes far-reaching changes due to the transfer of European races to American soil.  The East European Hebrew, who has a round head, becomes more long-headed; the South Italian, who in Italy has an exceedingly long head, becomes more short-headed; so that both approach a uniform type in this country, so far as the head is concerned.
These findings were radical at the time and continue to be debated. In 2002, the anthropologists Corey S. Sparks and Richard L. Jantz claimed that differences between children born to the same parents in Europe and America were very small and insignificant and that there was no detectable effect of exposure to the American environment on the cranial index in children. They argued that their results contradicted Boas's original findings and demonstrated that they may no longer be used to support arguments of plasticity in cranial morphology. However, Jonathan Marks—a well-known physical anthropologist and former president of the General Anthropology section of the American Anthropological Association—has remarked that this revisionist study of Boas's work ""has the ring of desperation to it (if not obfuscation), and has been quickly rebutted by more mainstream biological anthropology"". In 2003 anthropologists Clarence C. Gravlee, H. Russell Bernard, and William R. Leonard reanalyzed Boas's data and concluded that most of Boas's original findings were correct. Moreover, they applied new statistical, computer-assisted methods to Boas's data and discovered more evidence for cranial plasticity. In a later publication, Gravlee, Bernard and Leonard reviewed Sparks and Jantz's analysis. They argue that Sparks and Jantz misrepresented Boas's claims and that Sparks's and Jantz's data actually support Boas. For example, they point out that Sparks and Jantz look at changes in cranial size in relation to how long an individual has been in the United States in order to test the influence of the environment. Boas, however, looked at changes in cranial size in relation to how long the mother had been in the United States. They argue that Boas's method is more useful because the prenatal environment is a crucial developmental factor.A further publication by Jantz based on Gravlee et al. claims that Boas had cherry picked two groups of immigrants (Sicilians and Hebrews) which had varied most towards the same mean, and discarded other groups which had varied in the opposite direction. He commented, ""Using the recent reanalysis by Gravlee et al. (2003), we can observe in Figure 2 that the maximum difference in the cranial index due to immigration (in Hebrews) is much smaller than the maximum ethnic difference, between Sicilians and Bohemians. It shows that long-headed parents produce long headed offspring and vice versa. To make the argument that children of immigrants converge onto an ""American type"" required Boas to use the two groups that changed the most.""Although some sociobiologists and evolutionary psychologists have suggested that Boas was opposed to Darwinian evolution, Boas, in fact, was a committed proponent of Darwinian evolutionary thought. In 1888, he declared that ""the development of ethnology is largely due to the general recognition of the principle of biological evolution""; since Boas's times, physical anthropologists have established that the human capacity for culture is a product of human evolution. In fact, Boas's research on changes in body form played an important role in the rise of Darwinian theory. Boas was trained at a time when biologists had no understanding of genetics; Mendelian genetics became widely known only after 1900. Prior to that time biologists relied on the measurement of physical traits as empirical data for any theory of evolution. Boas's biometric studies, however, led him to question the use of this method and kind of data. In a speech to anthropologists in Berlin in 1912, Boas argued that at best such statistics could only raise biological questions, and not answer them. It was in this context that anthropologists began turning to genetics as a basis for any understanding of biological variation.


=== Linguistics ===
Boas also contributed greatly to the foundation of linguistics as a science in the United States. He published many descriptive studies of Native American languages, and wrote on theoretical difficulties in classifying languages, and laid out a research program for studying the relations between language and culture which his students such as Edward Sapir, Paul Rivet, and Alfred Kroeber followed.His 1889 article ""On Alternating Sounds"", however, made a singular contribution to the methodology of both linguistics and cultural anthropology. It is a response to a paper presented in 1888 by Daniel Garrison Brinton, at the time a professor of American linguistics and archeology at the University of Pennsylvania. Brinton observed that in the spoken languages of many Native Americans, certain sounds regularly alternated.  Brinton argued that this pervasive inconsistency was a sign of linguistic and evolutionary inferiority.
Boas had heard similar phonetic shifts during his research in Baffin Island and in the Pacific Northwest. Nevertheless, he argued that ""alternating sounds"" is not at all a feature of Native American languages—indeed, he argued, they do not really exist. Rather than take alternating sounds as objective proof of different stages in cultural evolution, Boas considered them in terms of his longstanding interest in the subjective perception of objective physical phenomena. He also considered his earlier critique of evolutionary museum displays. There, he pointed out that two things (artifacts of material culture) that appear to be similar may, in fact, be quite different. In this article, he raises the possibility that two things (sounds) that appear to be different may, in fact, be the same.
In short, he shifted attention to the perception of different sounds. Boas begins by raising an empirical question: when people describe one sound in different ways, is it because they cannot perceive the difference, or might there be another reason? He immediately establishes that he is not concerned with cases involving perceptual deficit—the aural equivalent of color-blindness. He points out that the question of people who describe one sound in different ways is comparable to that of people who describe different sounds in one way. This is crucial for research in descriptive linguistics: when studying a new language, how are we to note the pronunciation of different words? (in this point, Boas anticipates and lays the groundwork for the distinction between phonemics and phonetics.) People may pronounce a word in a variety of ways and still recognize that they are using the same word. The issue, then, is not ""that such sensations are not recognized in their individuality"" (in other words, people recognize differences in pronunciations); rather, it is that sounds ""are classified according to their similarity"" (in other words, that people classify a variety of perceived sounds into one category). A comparable visual example would involve words for colors. The English word green can be used to refer to a variety of shades, hues, and tints. But there are some languages that have no word for green. In such cases, people might classify what we would call green as either yellow or blue. This is not an example of color-blindness—people can perceive differences in color, but they categorize similar colors in a different way than English speakers.
Boas applied these principles to his studies of Inuit languages. Researchers have reported a variety of spellings for a given word. In the past, researchers have interpreted this data in a number of ways—it could indicate local variations in the pronunciation of a word, or it could indicate different dialects. Boas argues an alternative explanation: that the difference is not in how Inuit pronounce the word, but rather in how English-speaking scholars perceive the pronunciation of the word. It is not that English speakers are physically incapable of perceiving the sound in question; rather, the phonetic system of English cannot accommodate the perceived sound.
Although Boas was making a very specific contribution to the methods of descriptive linguistics, his ultimate point is far reaching: observer bias need not be personal, it can be cultural. In other words, the perceptual categories of Western researchers may systematically cause a Westerner to misperceive or to fail to perceive entirely a meaningful element in another culture. As in his critique of Otis Mason's museum displays, Boas demonstrated that what appeared to be evidence of cultural evolution was really the consequence of unscientific methods and a reflection of Westerners' beliefs about their own cultural superiority. This point provides the methodological foundation for Boas's cultural relativism: elements of a culture are meaningful in that culture's terms, even if they may be meaningless (or take on a radically different meaning) in another culture.


=== Cultural anthropology ===

The essence of Boas's approach to ethnography is found in his early essay on ""The Study of Geography"". There he argued for an approach that

... considers every phenomenon as worthy of being studied for its own sake. Its mere existence entitles it to a full share of our attention, and the knowledge of its existence and evolution in space and time fully satisfies the student.
When Boas's student Ruth Benedict gave her presidential address to the American Anthropological Association in 1947, she reminded anthropologists of the importance of this idiographic stance by quoting literary critic A. C. Bradley: ""We watch 'what is', seeing that so it happened and must have happened"".
This orientation led Boas to promote a cultural anthropology characterized by a strong commitment to

Empiricism (with a resulting skepticism of attempts to formulate ""scientific laws"" of culture)
A notion of culture as fluid and dynamic
Ethnographic fieldwork, in which the anthropologist resides for an extended period among the people being researched, conducts research in the native language, and collaborates with native researchers, as a method of collecting data, and
Cultural relativism as a methodological tool while conducting fieldwork, and as a heuristic tool while analyzing data.Boas argued that in order to understand ""what is""—in cultural anthropology, the specific cultural traits (behaviors, beliefs, and symbols)—one had to examine them in their local context. He also understood that as people migrate from one place to another, and as the cultural context changes over time, the elements of a culture, and their meanings, will change, which led him to emphasize the importance of local histories for an analysis of cultures.
Although other anthropologists at the time, such as Bronisław Malinowski and Alfred Reginald Radcliffe-Brown focused on the study of societies, which they understood to be clearly bounded, Boas's attention to history, which reveals the extent to which traits diffuse from one place to another, led him to view cultural boundaries as multiple and overlapping, and as highly permeable. Thus, Boas's student Robert Lowie once described culture as a thing of ""shreds and patches"". Boas and his students understood that as people try to make sense of their world they seek to integrate its disparate elements, with the result that different cultures could be characterized as having different configurations or patterns. But Boasians also understood that such integration was always in tensions with diffusion, and any appearance of a stable configuration is contingent (see Bashkow 2004: 445).
During Boas's lifetime, as today, many Westerners saw a fundamental difference between modern societies, which are characterized by dynamism and individualism, and traditional societies which are stable and homogeneous. Boas's empirical field research, however, led him to argue against this comparison. For example, his 1903 essay, ""Decorative Designs of Alaskan Needlecases: A History of Conventional Designs, Based on Materials in a U.S. Museum"", provides another example of how Boas made broad theoretical claims based on a detailed analysis of empirical data. After establishing formal similarities among the needlecases, Boas shows how certain formal features provide a vocabulary out of which individual artisans could create variations in design. Thus, his emphasis on culture as a context for meaningful action made him sensitive to individual variation within a society (William Henry Holmes suggested a similar point in an 1886 paper, ""Origin and development of form and ornament in ceramic art"", although unlike Boas he did not develop the ethnographic and theoretical implications).
In a programmatic essay in 1920, ""The Methods of Ethnology"", Boas argued that instead of ""the systematic enumeration of standardized beliefs and customs of a tribe"", anthropology needs to document ""the way in which the individual reacts to his whole social environment, and to the difference of opinion and of mode of action that occur in primitive society and which are the causes of far-reaching changes"". Boas argued that attention to individual agency reveals that ""the activities of the individual are determined to a great extent by his social environment, but in turn, his own activities influence the society in which he lives and may bring about modifications in a form"". Consequently, Boas thought of culture as fundamentally dynamic: ""As soon as these methods are applied, primitive society loses the appearance of absolute stability ... All cultural forms rather appear in a constant state of flux ..."" (see Lewis 2001b)
Having argued against the relevance of the distinction between literate and non-literate societies as a way of defining anthropology's object of study, Boas argued that non-literate and literate societies should be analyzed in the same way. Nineteenth-century historians had been applying the techniques of philology to reconstruct the histories of, and relationships between, literate societies. In order to apply these methods to non-literate societies, Boas argued that the task of fieldworkers is to produce and collect texts in non-literate societies. This took the form not only of compiling lexicons and grammars of the local language, but of recording myths, folktales, beliefs about social relationships and institutions, and even recipes for local cuisine. In order to do this, Boas relied heavily on the collaboration of literate native ethnographers (among the Kwakiutl, most often George Hunt), and he urged his students to consider such people valuable partners, inferior in their standing in Western society, but superior in their understanding of their own culture. (see Bunzl 2004: 438–439)
Using these methods, Boas published another article in 1920, in which he revisited his earlier research on Kwakiutl kinship. In the late 1890s, Boas had tried to reconstruct transformation in the organization of Kwakiutl clans, by comparing them to the organization of clans in other societies neighboring the Kwakiutl to the north and south. Now, however, he argued against translating the Kwakiutl principle of kin groups into an English word. Instead of trying to fit the Kwakiutl into some larger model, he tried to understand their beliefs and practices in their own terms. For example, whereas he had earlier translated the Kwakiutl word numaym as ""clan"", he now argued that the word is best understood as referring to a bundle of privileges, for which there is no English word. Men secured claims to these privileges through their parents or wives, and there were a variety of ways these privileges could be acquired, used, and transmitted from one generation to the next. As in his work on alternating sounds, Boas had come to realize that different ethnological interpretations of Kwakiutl kinship were the result of the limitations of Western categories. As in his work on Alaskan needlecases, he now saw variation among Kwakiutl practices as the result of the play between social norms and individual creativity.
Before his death in 1942, he appointed Helen Codere to edit and publish his manuscripts about the culture of the Kwakiutl people.


== Franz Boas and folklore ==
Franz Boas was an immensely influential figure throughout the development of folklore as a discipline. At first glance, it might seem that his only concern was for the discipline of anthropology—after all, he fought for most of his life to keep folklore as a part of anthropology. Yet Boas was motivated by his desire to see both anthropology and folklore become more professional and well-respected. Boas was afraid that if folklore was allowed to become its own discipline the standards for folklore scholarship would be lowered. This, combined with the scholarships of ""amateurs"", would lead folklore to be completely discredited, Boas believed.
In order to further professionalize folklore, Boas introduced the strict scientific methods which he learned in college to the discipline. Boas championed the use of exhaustive research, fieldwork, and strict scientific guidelines in folklore scholarship. Boas believed that a true theory could only be formed from thorough research and that even once you had a theory it should be treated as a ""work in progress"" unless it could be proved beyond doubt. This rigid scientific methodology was eventually accepted as one of the major tenets of folklore scholarship, and Boas's methods remain in use even today. Boas also nurtured many budding folklorists during his time as a professor, and some of his students are counted among the most notable minds in folklore scholarship.
Boas was passionate about the collection of folklore and believed that the similarity of folktales amongst different folk groups was due to dissemination. Boas strove to prove this theory, and his efforts produced a method for breaking a folktale into parts and then analyzing these parts. His creation of ""catch-words"" allowed for categorization of these parts, and the ability to analyze them in relation to other similar tales. Boas also fought to prove that not all cultures progressed along the same path, and that non-European cultures, in particular, were not primitive, but different.
Boas remained active in the development and scholarship of folklore throughout his life. He became the editor of the Journal of American Folklore in 1908, regularly wrote and published articles on folklore (often in the Journal of American Folklore). He helped to elect Louise Pound as president of the American Folklore Society in 1925.


== Scientist as activist ==
There are two things to which I am devoted: absolute academic and spiritual freedom, and the subordination of the state to the interests of the individual; expressed in other forms, the furthering of conditions in which the individual can develop to the best of his ability—as far as it is possible with a full understanding of the fetters imposed upon us by tradition; and the fight against all forms of power policy of states or private organizations. This means a devotion to principles of true democracy. I object to the teaching of slogans intended to befog the mind, of whatever kind they may be.
Boas was known for passionately defending what he believed to be right. During his lifetime (and often through his work), Boas combated racism, berated anthropologists and folklorists who used their work as a cover for espionage, worked to protect German and Austrian scientists who fled the Nazi regime, and openly protested Hitlerism.Many social scientists in other disciplines often agonize over the legitimacy of their work as ""science"" and consequently emphasize the importance of detachment, objectivity, abstraction, and quantifiability in their work. Perhaps because Boas, like other early anthropologists, was originally trained in the natural sciences, he and his students never expressed such anxiety. Moreover, he did not believe that detachment, objectivity, and quantifiability was required to make anthropology scientific. Since the object of study of anthropologists is different from the object of study of physicists, he assumed that anthropologists would have to employ different methods and different criteria for evaluating their research. Thus, Boas used statistical studies to demonstrate the extent to which variation in data is context-dependent, and argued that the context-dependent nature of human variation rendered many abstractions and generalizations that had been passing as scientific understandings of humankind (especially theories of social evolution popular at the time) in fact unscientific. His understanding of ethnographic fieldwork began with the fact that the objects of ethnographic study (e.g.,  the Inuit of Baffin Island) were not just objects, but subjects, and his research called attention to their creativity and agency. More importantly, he viewed the Inuit as his teachers, thus reversing the typical hierarchical relationship between scientist and object of study.
This emphasis on the relationship between anthropologists and those they study—the point that, while astronomers and stars; chemists and elements; botanists and plants are fundamentally different, anthropologists and those they study are equally human—implied that anthropologists themselves could be objects of anthropological study. Although Boas did not pursue this reversal systematically, his article on alternating sounds illustrates his awareness that scientists should not be confident about their objectivity, because they too see the world through the prism of their culture.
This emphasis also led Boas to conclude that anthropologists have an obligation to speak out on social issues. Boas was especially concerned with racial inequality, which his research had indicated is not biological in origin, but rather social. Boas is credited as the first scientist to publish the idea that all people—including white and African Americans—are equal. He often emphasized his abhorrence of racism, and used his work to show that there was no scientific basis for such a bias. An early example of this concern is evident in his 1906 commencement address to Atlanta University, at the invitation of W. E. B. Du Bois. Boas began by remarking that ""If you did accept the view that the present weakness of the American Negro, his uncontrollable emotions, his lack of energy, are racially inherent, your work would still be noble one"". He then went on, however, to argue against this view. To the claim that European and Asian civilizations are, at the time, more advanced than African societies, Boas objected that against the total history of humankind, the past two thousand years is but a brief span. Moreover, although the technological advances of our early ancestors (such as taming fire and inventing stone tools) might seem insignificant when compared to the invention of the steam engine or control over electricity, we should consider that they might actually be even greater accomplishments. Boas then went on to catalogue advances in Africa, such as smelting iron, cultivating millet, and domesticating chickens and cattle, that occurred in Africa well before they spread to Europe and Asia (evidence now suggests that chickens were first domesticated in Asia; the original domestication of cattle is under debate). He then described the activities of African kings, diplomats, merchants, and artists as evidence of cultural achievement. From this, he concluded, any social inferiority of Negroes in the United States cannot be explained by their African origins:

If therefore, it is claimed that your race is doomed to economic inferiority, you may confidently look to the home of your ancestors and say, that you have set out to recover for the colored people the strength that was their own before they set foot on the shores of this continent. You may say that you go to work with bright hopes and that you will not be discouraged by the slowness of your progress; for you have to recover not only what has been lost in transplanting the Negro race from its native soil to this continent, but you must reach higher levels than your ancestors ever had attained.
Boas proceeds to discuss the arguments for the inferiority of the ""Negro race"", and calls attention to the fact that they were brought to the Americas through force. For Boas, this is just one example of the many times conquest or colonialism has brought different peoples into an unequal relation, and he mentions ""the conquest of England by the Normans, the Teutonic invasion of Italy, [and] the Manchu conquest of China"" as resulting in similar conditions. But the best example, for Boas, of this phenomenon is that of the Jews in Europe:

Even now there lingers in the consciousness of the old, sharper divisions which the ages had not been able to efface, and which is strong enough to find—not only here and there—expression as antipathy to the Jewish type. In France, that let down the barriers more than a hundred years ago, the feeling of antipathy is still strong enough to sustain an anti-Jewish political party.
Boas's closing advice is that African Americans should not look to whites for approval or encouragement because people in power usually take a very long time to learn to sympathize with people out of power. ""Remember that in every single case in history the process of adaptation has been one of exceeding slowness. Do not look for the impossible, but do not let your path deviate from the quiet and steadfast insistence on full opportunities for your powers.""
Despite Boas's caveat about the intractability of white prejudice, he also considered it the scientist's responsibility to argue against white myths of racial purity and racial superiority and to use the evidence of his research to fight racism.
Boas was also critical of one nation imposing its power over others. In 1916, Boas wrote a letter to The New York Times which was published under the headline, ""Why German-Americans Blame America"". Although Boas did begin the letter by protesting bitter attacks against German Americans at the time of the war in Europe, most of his letter was a critique of American nationalism. ""In my youth, I had been taught in school and at home not only to love the good of my own country, but also to seek to understand and to respect the individualities of other nations. For this reason, one-sided nationalism, that is so often found nowadays, is to be unendurable."" He writes of his love for American ideals of freedom, and of his growing discomfort with American beliefs about its own superiority over others.

I have always been of the opinion that we have no right to impose our ideals upon other nations, no matter how strange it may seem to us that they enjoy the kind of life they lead, how slow they may be in utilizing the resources of their countries, or how much opposed their ideas may be to ours ... Our intolerant attitude is most pronounced in regard to what we like to call ""our free institutions."" Modern democracy was no doubt the most wholesome and needed reaction against the abuses of absolutism and of a selfish, often corrupt, bureaucracy. That the wishes and thoughts of the people should find expression, and that the form of government should conform to these wishes is an axiom that has pervaded the whole Western world, and that is even taking root in the Far East. It is a quite different question, however, in how far the particular machinery of democratic government is identical with democratic institutions ... To claim as we often do, that our solution is the only democratic and the ideal one is a one-sided expression of Americanism. I see no reason why we should not allow the Germans, Austrians, and Russians, or whoever else it may be, to solve their problems in their own ways, instead of demanding that they bestow upon themselves the benefactions of our regime.
Although Boas felt that scientists have a responsibility to speak out on social and political problems, he was appalled that they might involve themselves in disingenuous and deceitful ways. Thus, in 1919, when he discovered that four anthropologists, in the course of their research in other countries, were serving as spies for the American government, he wrote an angry letter to The Nation. It is perhaps in this letter that he most clearly expresses his understanding of his commitment to science:

A soldier whose business is murder as a fine art, a diplomat whose calling is based on deception and secretiveness, a politician whose very life consists in compromises with his conscience, a businessman whose aim is personal profit within the limits allowed by a lenient law—such may be excused if they set patriotic deception above common everyday decency and perform services as spies. They merely accept the code of morality to which modern society still conforms. Not so the scientist. The very essence of his life is the service of truth. We all know scientists who in private life do not come up to the standard of truthfulness, but who, nevertheless, would not consciously falsify the results of their researches. It is bad enough if we have to put up with these because they reveal a lack of strength of character that is liable to distort the results of their work. A person, however, who uses science as a cover for political spying, who demeans himself to pose before a foreign government as an investigator and asks for assistance in his alleged researches in order to carry on, under this cloak, his political machinations, prostitutes science in an unpardonable way and forfeits the right to be classed as a scientist.
Although Boas did not name the spies in question, he was referring to a group led by Sylvanus G. Morley, who was affiliated with Harvard University's Peabody Museum. While conducting research in Mexico, Morley and his colleagues looked for evidence of German submarine bases, and collected intelligence on Mexican political figures and German immigrants in Mexico.
Boas's stance against spying took place in the context of his struggle to establish a new model for academic anthropology at Columbia University. Previously, American anthropology was based at the Smithsonian Institution in Washington and the Peabody Museum at Harvard, and these anthropologists competed with Boas's students for control over the American Anthropological Association (and its flagship publication American Anthropologist). When the National Academy of Sciences established the National Research Council in 1916 as a means by which scientists could assist the United States government to prepare for entry into the war in Europe, competition between the two groups intensified. Boas's rival, W.  H. Holmes (who had gotten the job of Director at the Field Museum for which Boas had been passed over 26 years earlier), was appointed to head the NRC; Morley was a protégé of Holmes.
When Boas's letter was published, Holmes wrote to a friend complaining about ""the Prussian control of anthropology in this country"" and the need to end Boas's ""Hun regime"". Opinion was influenced by anti-German and probably also by anti-Jewish sentiment. The Anthropological Society of Washington passed a resolution condemning Boas's letter for unjustly criticizing President Wilson; attacking the principles of American democracy; and endangering anthropologists abroad, who would now be suspected of being spies (a charge that was especially insulting, given that his concerns about this very issue were what had prompted Boas to write his letter in the first place). This resolution was passed on to the American Anthropological Association (AAA) and the National Research Council. Members of the American Anthropological Association (among whom Boas was a founding member in 1902), meeting at the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard (with which Morley, Lothrop, and Spinden were affiliated), voted by 20 to 10 to censure Boas. As a result, Boas resigned as the AAA's representative to the NRC, although he remained an active member of the AAA. The AAA's censure of Boas was not rescinded until 2005.
Boas continued to speak out against racism and for intellectual freedom. When the Nazi Party in Germany denounced ""Jewish Science"" (which included not only Boasian Anthropology but Freudian psychoanalysis and Einsteinian physics), Boas responded with a public statement signed by over 8,000 other scientists, declaring that there is only one science, to which race and religion are irrelevant. After World War I, Boas created the Emergency Society for German and Austrian Science. This organization was originally dedicated to fostering friendly relations between American and German and Austrian scientists and for providing research funding to German scientists who had been adversely affected by the war, and to help scientists who had been interned. With the rise of Nazi Germany, Boas assisted German scientists in fleeing the Nazi regime. Boas helped these scientists not only to escape but to secure positions once they arrived. Additionally, Boas addressed an open letter to Paul von Hindenburg in protest against Hitlerism. He also wrote an article in The American Mercury arguing that there were no differences between Aryans and non-Aryans and the German government should not base its policies on such a false premise.Boas, and his students such as Melville J. Herskovits, opposed the racist pseudoscience developed at the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute of Anthropology, Human Heredity, and Eugenics under its director Eugen Fischer: ""Melville J. Herskovits (one of Franz Boas's students) pointed out that the health problems and social prejudices encountered by these children (Rhineland Bastards) and their parents explained what Germans viewed as racial inferiority was not due to racial heredity. This ""... provoked polemic invective against the latter [Boas] from Fischer. ""The views of Mr.  Boas are in part quite ingenious, but in the field of heredity Mr. Boas is by no means competent"" even though ""a great number of research projects at the KWI-A which had picked up on Boas' studies about immigrants in New York had confirmed his findings—including the study by Walter Dornfeldt about Eastern European Jews in Berlin. Fischer resorted to polemic simply because he had no arguments to counter the Boasians' critique.""


== Students and influence ==
Franz Boas died suddenly at the Columbia University Faculty Club on December 21, 1942, in the arms of Claude Lévi-Strauss. By that time he had become one of the most influential and respected scientists of his generation.
Between 1901 and 1911, Columbia University produced seven PhDs in anthropology. Although by today's standards this is a very small number, at the time it was sufficient to establish Boas's Anthropology Department at Columbia as the preeminent anthropology program in the country. Moreover, many of Boas's students went on to establish anthropology programs at other major universities.Boas's first doctoral student at Columbia was Alfred L. Kroeber (1901), who, along with fellow Boas student Robert Lowie (1908), started the anthropology program at the University of California, Berkeley. He also trained William Jones (1904), one of the first Native American Indian anthropologists (the Fox nation) who was killed while conducting research in the Philippines in 1909, and Albert B. Lewis (1907). Boas also trained a number of other students who were influential in the development of academic anthropology: Frank Speck (1908) who trained with Boas but received his PhD from the University of Pennsylvania and immediately proceeded to found the anthropology department there; Edward Sapir (1909) and Fay-Cooper Cole (1914) who developed the anthropology program at the University of Chicago; Alexander Goldenweiser (1910), who, with Elsie Clews Parsons (who received her doctorate in sociology from Columbia in 1899, but then studied ethnology with Boas), started the anthropology program at the New School for Social Research; Leslie Spier (1920) who started the anthropology program at the University of Washington together with his wife Erna Gunther, also one of Boas's students, and Melville Herskovits (1923) who started the anthropology program at Northwestern University. He also trained John R. Swanton (who studied with Boas at Columbia for two years before receiving his doctorate from Harvard in 1900), Paul Radin (1911), Ruth Benedict (1923), Gladys Reichard (1925) who had begun teaching at Barnard College in 1921 and was later promoted to the rank of professor, Ruth Bunzel (1929), Alexander Lesser (1929), Margaret Mead (1929), and Gene Weltfish (who defended her dissertation in 1929, although she did not officially graduate until 1950 when Columbia reduced the expenses required to graduate), E. Adamson Hoebel (1934), Jules Henry (1935), George Herzog (1938),and Ashley Montagu (1938).
His students at Columbia also included Mexican anthropologist Manuel Gamio, who earned his Master of Arts degree after studying with Boas from 1909 to 1911, and became the founding director of Mexico's Bureau of Anthropology in 1917; Clark Wissler, who received his doctorate in psychology from Columbia University in 1901, but proceeded to study anthropology with Boas before turning to research Native Americans; Esther Schiff, later Goldfrank, worked with Boas in the summers of 1920 to 1922 to conduct research among the Cochiti and Laguna Pueblo Indians in New Mexico; Gilberto Freyre, who shaped the concept of ""racial democracy"" in Brazil; Viola Garfield, who carried forth Boas's Tsimshian work; Frederica de Laguna, who worked on the Inuit and the Tlingit; and anthropologist, folklorist and novelist Zora Neale Hurston, who graduated from Barnard College, the women's college associated with Columbia, in 1928, and who studied African American and Afro-Caribbean folklore.
Boas and his students were also an influence on Claude Lévi-Strauss, who interacted with Boas and the Boasians during his stay in New York in the 1940s.Several of Boas's students went on to serve as editors of the American Anthropological Association's flagship journal, American Anthropologist: John R. Swanton (1911, 1921–1923), Robert Lowie (1924–1933), Leslie Spier (1934–1938), and Melville Herskovits (1950–1952). Edward Sapir's student John Alden Mason was editor from 1945 to 1949, and Alfred Kroeber and Robert Lowie's student, Walter Goldschmidt, was editor from 1956 to 1959.
Most of Boas's students shared his concern for careful, historical reconstruction, and his antipathy towards speculative, evolutionary models. Moreover, Boas encouraged his students, by example, to criticize themselves as much as others. For example, Boas originally defended the cephalic index (systematic variations in head form) as a method for describing hereditary traits, but came to reject his earlier research after further study; he similarly came to criticize his own early work in Kwakiutl (Pacific Northwest) language and mythology.
Encouraged by this drive to self-criticism, as well as the Boasian commitment to learn from one's informants and to let the findings of one's research shape one's agenda, Boas's students quickly diverged from his own research agenda. Several of his students soon attempted to develop theories of the grand sort that Boas typically rejected. Kroeber called his colleagues' attention to Sigmund Freud and the potential of a union between cultural anthropology and psychoanalysis. Ruth Benedict developed theories of ""culture and personality"" and ""national cultures"", and Kroeber's student, Julian Steward developed theories of ""cultural ecology"" and ""multilineal evolution"".


== Legacy ==

Nevertheless, Boas has had an enduring influence on anthropology. Virtually all anthropologists today accept Boas's commitment to empiricism and his methodological cultural relativism. Moreover, virtually all cultural anthropologists today share Boas's commitment to field research involving extended residence, learning the local language, and developing social relationships with informants. Finally, anthropologists continue to honor his critique of racial ideologies. In his 1963 book, Race: The History of an Idea in America, Thomas Gossett wrote that ""It is possible that Boas did more to combat race prejudice than any other person in history.""


== Leadership roles and honors ==
1887—Accepted a position as Assistant Editor of Science in New York.
1889—Appointed as the head of a newly created department of anthropology. His adjunct was L. Farrand.
1896—Became assistant curator at the American Museum of Natural History, under F. W. Putnam. This was combined with a lecturing position at Columbia University.
1900—Elected to the National Academy of Sciences in April.
1901—Appointed Honorary Philologist of Bureau of American Ethnology.
1908—Became editor of The Journal of American Folklore.
1908—Elected a member of the American Antiquarian Society.
1910—Helped create the International School of American Archeology and Ethnology in Mexico.
1910—Elected president of the New York Academy of Sciences.
1917—Founded the International Journal of American Linguistics.
1917—Edited the Publications of the American Ethnological Society.
1931—Elected president of the American Association for the Advancement of Science.
1936—Became ""emeritus in residence"" at Columbia University in 1936. Became ""emeritus"" in 1938.


== Writings ==
Boas n.d. ""The relation of Darwin to anthropology"", notes for a lecture; Boas papers (B/B61.5) American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia. Published online by Herbert Lewis 2001b.
Boas, Franz (1889). The Houses of the Kwakiutl Indians, British Columbia (PDF). Proceedings of the United States National Museum. 11. Washington D.C., United States National Museum. pp. 197–213. doi:10.5479/si.00963801.11-709.197. Smithsonian Research Online.
Boas, Franz (1895). The Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians (PDF). Report of the United States National Museum. Washington D.C., United States National Museum. pp. 197–213. Smithsonian Research Online.
Boas, Franz (1897). ""The Decorative Art of the Indians of the North Pacific Coast"" (PDF). Science. Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History. New York, American Museum of Natural History. IX, Article X. (82): 101–3. doi:10.1126/science.4.82.101. PMID 17747165.  AMNH Digital Repository.
Boas, Franz (1898). The Mythology of the Bella Coola Indians (PDF). Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History. Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition. Vol. II, Pt. II. New York, American Museum of Natural History. AMNH Digital Repository.
Teit, James; Boas, Franz (1900). The Thompson Indians of British Columbia (PDF). Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History. The Jesup North Pacific Expedition. Vol. II, Pt. IV. New York, American Museum of Natural History. AMNH Digital Repository.
Boas, Franz (1901). A Bronze Figurine from British Columbia (PDF). Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History. Vol. XIV, Article X. New York, American Museum of Natural History. AMNH Digital Repository.
Boas, Franz; Hunt, George (1902). Kwakiutl Texts (PDF). Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History. Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition. Vol. V, Pt. I. New York, American Museum of Natural History. AMNH Digital Repository.
Boas, Franz; Hunt, George (1902). Kwakiutl Texts (PDF). Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History. Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition. Vol. V, Pt. II. New York, American Museum of Natural History. AMNH Digital Repository.
Boas, Franz; Hunt, George (1905). Kwakiutl Texts (PDF). Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History. Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition. Vol. V, Pt. III. New York, American Museum of Natural History. AMNH Digital Repository.
Boas, Franz; Hunt, George (1906). Kwakiutl Texts - Second Series (PDF). Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History. Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition. Vol. X, Pt. I. New York, American Museum of Natural History. AMNH Digital Repository.
Boas, Franz (1906). The Measurement of Differences Between Variable Quantities. New York: The Science Press. (Online version at the Internet Archive)
Boas, Franz (1909). The Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island (PDF). Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History. Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition. Vol. II, Pt. II. New York, American Museum of Natural History. AMNH Digital Repository.
Boas, Franz. (1911). Handbook of American Indian languages (Vol. 1). Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 40. Washington: Government Print Office (Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology).
Boas, Franz (1911). The Mind of Primitive Man. ISBN 978-0-313-24004-1 (Online version of the 1938 revised edition at the Internet Archive)
Boas, Franz (1912). ""Changes in the Bodily Form of Descendants of Immigrants"". American Anthropologist, Vol. 14, No. 3, July–Sept 1912. Boas
Boas, Franz (1912). ""The History of the American Race"". Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences. XXI: 177–183. doi:10.1111/j.1749-6632.1911.tb56933.x.
Boas, Franz (1914). ""Mythology and folk-tales of the North American Indians"". Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 27, No. 106, Oct.-Dec. pp. 374–410.
Boas, Franz (1917). Folk-tales of Salishan and Sahaptin tribes (DJVU). Washington State Library's Classics in Washington History collection. Published for the American Folk-Lore Society by G.E. Stechert.
Boas, Franz (1917). ""Kutenai Tales"" (PDF). Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin. Washington State Library's Classics in Washington History collection. Smithsonian Institution. 59. Classics in Washington History: Native Americans.
Boas, Franz (1922). ""Report on an Anthropometric Investigation of the Population of the United States"". Journal of the American Statistical Association, June 1922.
Boas, Franz (1927). ""The Eruption of Deciduous Teeth Among Hebrew Infants"". The Journal of Dental Research, Vol. vii, No. 3, September 1927.
Boas, Franz (1927). Primitive Art. ISBN 978-0-486-20025-5
Boas, Franz (1928). Anthropology and Modern Life (2004 ed.) ISBN 978-0-7658-0535-5
Boas, Franz (1935). ""The Tempo of Growth of Fraternities"". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, Vol. 21, No. 7, pp. 413–418, July 1935.
Boas, Franz (1940). Race, Language, and Culture ISBN 978-0-226-06241-9
Boas, Franz (1945). Race and Democratic Society, New York, Augustin.
Stocking, George W., Jr., ed. 1974 A Franz Boas Reader: The Shaping of American Anthropology, 1883–1911 ISBN 978-0-226-06243-3
Boas, Franz, edited by Helen Codere (1966), Kwakiutl Ethnography, Chicago, Chicago University Press.
Boas, Franz (2006). Indian Myths & Legends from the North Pacific Coast of America: A Translation of Franz Boas' 1895 Edition of Indianische Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen Küste-Amerikas. Vancouver, BC: Talonbooks. ISBN 978-0-88922-553-4


== Notes ==


== References ==


== Further reading ==
Appiah, Kwame Anthony, ""The Defender of Differences"" (review of Rosemary Lévy Zumwalt, Franz Boas: The Emergence of the Anthropologist, University of Nebraska Press, 2019, 417 pp.; Charles King, Gods of the Upper Air: How a Circle of Renegade Anthropologists Reinvented Race, Sex, and Gender in the Twentieth Century, Doubleday, 2019, 431 pp.; Mark Anderson, From Boas to Black Power: Racism, Liberalism, and American Anthropology, Stanford University Press, 262 pp), The New York Review of Books, vol. LXVII, no. 9 (28 May 2020), pp. 17–19. Appiah writes: ""[Boas] was skeptical... about doctrines of racial superiority. He had, more slowly, become a skeptic of social evolutionism: the notion that peoples progress through stages (in one crude formulation, from savagery to barbarism to civilization)... 'My whole outlook', [Boas] later wrote in a credo, 'is determined by the question: how can we recognize the shackles that tradition has laid upon us?'"" (p. 18.)
Baker, Lee D. (1994). ""The Location of Franz Boas Within the African American Struggle"". Critique of Anthropology. 14 (2): 199–217. doi:10.1177/0308275x9401400205.
Baker, Lee D. (2004). ""Franz Boas Out of the Ivory Tower"". Anthropological Theory. 4 (1): 29–51. doi:10.1177/1463499604040846.
Bashkow, Ira (2004). ""A Neo-Boasian Conception of Cultural Boundaries"". American Anthropologist. 106 (3): 443–458. doi:10.1525/aa.2004.106.3.443. Archived from the original on 2013-01-05.
Benedict, Ruth (1943). ""Franz Boas"". Science. 97 (2507): 60–62. doi:10.1126/science.97.2507.60. JSTOR 1670558. PMID 17799306.
Boas, Norman F. 2004. Franz Boas 1858–1942: An Illustrated Biography ISBN 978-0-9672626-2-8
Bunzl, Matti (2004). ""Boas, Foucault, and the 'Native Anthropologist'"". American Anthropologist. 106 (3): 435–442. doi:10.1525/aa.2004.106.3.435. Archived from the original on 2013-01-05.
Cole, Douglas 1999. Franz Boas: The Early Years, 1858–1906. ISBN 978-1-55054-746-7
Darnell, Regna 1998. And Along Came Boas: Continuity and Revolution in Americanist Anthropology. ISBN 978-1-55619-623-2
Evans, Brad 2006. ""Where Was Boas During the Renaissance in Harlem? Diffusion, Race, and the Culture Paradigm in the History of Anthropology."" ISBN 978-0-299-21920-8.
King, Charles (2019). Gods of the upper air : how a circle of renegade anthropologists reinvented race, sex, and gender in the twentieth century (First ed.). New York. ISBN 978-0-385-54219-7. OCLC 1109765676.
Kroeber, Alfred (1949). ""An Authoritarian Panacea"". American Anthropologist. 51 (2): 318–320. doi:10.1525/aa.1949.51.2.02a00210. PMID 18153430. Archived from the original on 2013-01-05.
Krupnik, Igor; Müller-Wille, Ludger (2010). ""Franz Boas and Inuktitut terminology for ice and snow: from the emergence of the field to the ""great Eskimo vocabulary hoax"""".  In Igor Krupnik; Claudio Aporta; Shari Gearheard; Gita J. Laidler; Lene Kielsen Holm (eds.). SIKU: knowing our ice: documenting Inuit sea ice knowledge and use. Dordrecht; London: Springer Netherlands. pp. 377–400. doi:10.1007/978-90-481-8587-0_16. ISBN 978-90-481-8586-3.
Kuper, Adam. 1988. The Invention of Primitive Society: Transformations of an Illusion ISBN 978-0-415-00903-4
Lesser, Alexander 1981. ""Franz Boas"" in Sydel Silverman, ed. Totems and Teachers: Perspectives on the History of Anthropology ISBN 978-0-231-05087-6
Lewis, Herbert (2001a). ""The Passion of Franz Boas"". American Anthropologist. 103 (2): 447–467. doi:10.1525/aa.2001.103.2.447.
Lewis, Herbert 2001b. ""Boas, Darwin, Science and Anthropology"" in Current Anthropology 42(3): 381–406 (On line version contains transcription of Boas's 1909 lecture on Darwin.)
Lewis, Herbert (2008). ""Franz Boas: Boon or Bane"" (Review Essay)"". Reviews in Anthropology. 37 (2–3): 169–200. doi:10.1080/00938150802038968.
Lowie, Robert H. ""Franz Boas (1858–1942)."" The Journal of American Folklore: Franz Boas Memorial Number. Vol. 57, No. 223. January–March 1944. Pages 59–64. The American Folklore Society. JSTOR. Print. Franz Boas (1858–1942).
Lowie, Robert H. ""Bibliography of Franz Boas in Folklore."" The Journal of American Folklore: Franz Boas Memorial Number. Vol. 57, No. 223. January–March 1944. Pages 65–69. The American Folklore Society. JSTOR. Print. Bibliography of Franz Boas in Folklore.
Maud, Ralph. 2000. Transmission Difficulties: Franz Boas and Tsimshian Mythology. Vancouver, BC: Talonbooks. ISBN 978-0-88922-430-8
Price, David (2000). ""Anthropologists as Spies"". The Nation. 271 (16): 24–27.
Price, David (2001). ""'The Shameful Business': Leslie Spier On The Censure Of Franz Boas"". History of Anthropology Newsletter. XXVII (2): 9–12.
Stocking, George W.; Jr (1960). ""Franz Boas and the Founding of the American Anthropological Association"". American Anthropologist. 62 (1): 1–17. doi:10.1525/aa.1960.62.1.02a00010.
Stocking, George W., Jr. 1968. Race, Culture, and Evolution: Essays in the History of Anthropology ISBN 978-0-226-77494-7
Stocking, George W., Jr., ed. 1996. Volksgeist as Method and Ethic: Essays on Boasian Ethnography and the German Anthropological Tradition ISBN 978-0-299-14554-5
Williams, Vernon J. Jr. 1996. Rethinking Race: Franz Boas and His Contemporaries. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky.
Zumwalt, Rosemary Lévy. American Folklore Scholarship: A Dialogue of Dissent. Ed. Alan Dundes. Bloomington and Indianapolis; Indiana University Press, 1988. Print.
Zumwalt, Rosemary Lévy. 2019. Franz Boas: The Emergence of the Anthropologist. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press


== External links ==
Works by Franz Boas at Project Gutenberg
Works by Franz Boas at Faded Page (Canada)
Works by or about Franz Boas at Internet Archive
Division of Anthropology, American Museum of Natural History – Objects and Photographs from Jesup North Pacific Expedition 1897–1902 (section Collections Online, option Collections Highlights).
Franz Boas at Minden, Westphalia
Franz Boas Papers at the American Philosophical Society
Recordings made by Franz Boas during his field research can be found at the Archives of Traditional Music at Indiana University
National Academy of Sciences Biographical Memoir
Genius at Work: How Franz Boas Created the Field of Cultural Anthropology By Charles King, Columbia Magazine, Winter 2019-20"
William Henry Holmes,1909–1910,"William Henry Holmes (December 1, 1846 – April 20, 1933) — known as W.H. Holmes — was an American explorer, anthropologist, archaeologist, artist, scientific illustrator, cartographer, mountain climber, geologist and museum curator and director.


== Biography ==


=== Early life and education ===
William Henry Holmes was born on a farm near Cadiz, in Harrison County, Ohio, to Joseph and Mary Heberling Holmes on December 1, 1846. One of his forebears was the Rev. Obadiah Holmes, who emigrated to Salem, Massachusetts in 1638. William Henry Holmes graduated from the McNeely Normal School, Hopedale, Ohio in 1870 and afterwards briefly taught drawing, painting, natural history, and geology at the school. In 1889 the school awarded him an honorary A.B. (Bachelor of Arts) degree. Later, in 1918, Holmes received an honorary Doctor of Science degree from The George Washington University, Washington, D.C. for his work and achievements.


=== U. S. Geological Surveys ===


==== Hayden Survey ====
In 1871, he went to Washington, D.C., to study art under Theodore Kaufmann. His talent soon came to the attention of the scientists at the Smithsonian Institution, notably Fielding Bradford Meek, and Holmes was employed drawing and sketching fossil shells and shells of live mollusks. In 1872, Holmes became an artist/topographer with the government survey of Ferdinand Vandeveer Hayden, replacing Thomas Moran. His first trip out West was to the newly established Yellowstone National Park. During the 1870s, Holmes gained a national reputation as a scientific illustrator, cartographer, pioneering archaeologist, and geologist. His work on the laccolith influenced Grove Karl Gilbert's own work on the same. In the field, Holmes worked closely with the photographer William H. Jackson and back in Washington he helped produce Hayden's great achievement, the Geological and Geographical Atlas of Colorado, And Portions of Adjacent Territory (1877, 1881).


==== Dutton Survey ====
After the Hayden Survey was absorbed into the U.S. Geological Survey in 1879, Holmes went to Munich, Germany, to further his art studies under Frank Duveneck and to take lessons in ""museum making"" from Adolphe B. Meyer of Dresden's Anthropology Museum. On Holmes's return to the U.S., he was hired by the Geological Survey and assigned to Clarence Dutton as a geologist and illustrator. Holmes illustrated the atlas for Dutton's Tertiary History of the Grand Canyon District (1882); his triptych panorama of the Grand Canyon from Point Sublime is a masterpiece of American scientific illustration. He was also a noted mountain climber, and a peak in Yellowstone National Park — Mount Holmes — was named in his honor. In 1875, Holmes began studying the remains of the Ancestral Pueblo culture in the San Juan River region of Utah. His models of ancient Indian ruins were a sensation at the Centennial International Exhibition in Philadelphia. Holmes became particularly interested in prehistoric pottery and shell art, producing the published works of ""Art in Shell of the American Indians (1883)"" and ""Pottery of the Ancient Pueblos (1886)"". He expanded these studies to include textiles, and he became well known as an expert in both ancient and existing arts produced by Native Americans of the Southwest. In 1889 he discovered and reported Indian petroglyphs in central West Virginia.


=== Smithsonian Institution ===
Holmes left the Geological Survey in 1889 to become an archaeologist with the Smithsonian Institution's Bureau of American Ethnology. He left Washington temporarily, from 1894 to 1897, to serve as curator of anthropology at the Field Columbian Museum in Chicago, during which time he led an expedition to Mexico. He returned to the Smithsonian in 1897 to serve as head curator of anthropology at the U.S. National Museum. From 1902 to 1909 he served as Chief (i.e. director) of the Bureau of American Ethnology, succeeding John Wesley Powell. During this period he studied the Etowah Indian Mounds of the Mississippian culture in Georgia, and in 1903, he published his Synthesis of Pottery. In 1905, Holmes was elected a member of the American Antiquarian Society. In 1910, he became chairman of the Division of Anthropology of the U.S. National Museum. In 1920, Holmes became the director of National Gallery of Art (now the Smithsonian American Art Museum), where he assembled exhibits of Indian arts from the Northwest Coast. He published many works on archæological and anthropological subjects. He edited geological publications, including Hayden's Atlas of Colorado and the eleventh and twelfth reports of the Geological Survey. His books include: ""Handbook of Aboriginal American Antiquities"" (1919).


=== Later years ===
Holmes lived with his son in Royal Oak, Michigan, upon his retirement in 1932 from the position of Director of the National Gallery of Art. He died April 20, 1933.


=== Art ===
In the year of his death, a memorial exhibition of ninety-two of Holmes' artworks was held at the Corcoran Gallery of Art. As a teacher, his pupils included Susan Brown Chase.


=== Legacy ===
Of Holmes's many contributions and accomplishments, he is probably best known for the role he played in the controversy over the antiquity of humans in the Americas. Holmes insisted that claims for the early presence of humans should be subjected to the most rigorous testing. His position on this matter had a healthy and conservative influence on what is one of the most fundamental questions in American archaeology.


== Selected Writings ==

Published and unpublished writings by Holmes include:

""Ancient Art of the Province of Chiriqui, Colombia [Panama]"": Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1884–1885, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1888, 187 pages
Pottery of the Ancient Pueblos (Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 1886)
Prehistoric Textile Art of Eastern United States: Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution 1891–1892, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1896 pages 3–46.
""Natural History of Flaked Stone Implements."" In Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthropology, edited by C. S. Wake, pp. 120–139. Schulte, Chicago, Il. (1894)
Archaeological Studies among the Ancient Cities of Mexico (1895)
""Stone Implements of the Potomac-Chesapeake Tidewater Province."" In Bureau of American Ethnology Annual Report, pp. 13–152. vol. 15. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C. (1897)
Random Records of a Lifetime, 1846–1931: Cullings, largely personal, from the scrap heap of three score years and ten, devoted to science, literature and art. 1932. Description: 21 v. in 22. illus. (mounted, part col.) clippings, letters. 27 cm. Held in the American Art Portrait Gallery Rare Book Collection.


== Gallery ==

		
		
		


== References ==


== Secondary sources ==
Fernlund, Kevin J. (2000). William Henry Holmes and the Rediscovery of the American West. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. ISBN 978-0-8263-2127-5.
Gleach, Frederic W. (2002). ""William Henry Holmes, 1909–1910"".  In Regna Darnell; Frederic W. Gleach (eds.). Celebrating a Century of the American Anthropological Association: Presidential Portraits. Arlington, VA: American Anthropological Association; Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. pp. 13–15. ISBN 978-0-8032-1720-1. OCLC 49225637.
Goetzmann, William H. (1966). Exploration and Empire: The Role of the Explorer and Scientist in the Exploration and Development of the American West, 1800–1900. New York: Alfred Knopf. OCLC 760599995.
Hough, Walter (October–December 1933). ""William Henry Holmes"" (PDF online reproduction at the AAA). American Anthropologist. New Series. Arlington, VA: American Anthropological Association and affiliated societies. 35 (4): 752–764. doi:10.1525/aa.1933.35.4.02a00110. ISSN 0002-7294. OCLC 1479294.
Swanton, John R. (1936). ""Biographical Memoir of William Henry Holmes, 1846–1933"" (PDF). Biographical Memoirs of the National Academy of Sciences, vol. 17 - Tenth Memoir. Biographical Memoirs of the National Academy of Sciences (PDF online facsimile at the NAS). Bibliography compiled by Ella Leary (Presented to the Academy at the Autumn meeting, 1935. ed.). Washington, DC: National Academy of Sciences. ISSN 0077-2933. OCLC 37424036.
Willey, Gordon R.; Meltzer, David J.; Dunnell, Robert C. (Spring 1994). ""[Review of] The Archaeology of William Henry Holmes by David J. Meltzer; Robert C. Dunnell"". Journal of Field Archaeology. Boston, MA: Association for Field Archaeology, Boston University. 21 (1): 119–123. doi:10.2307/530250. ISSN 0093-4690. JSTOR 530250. OCLC 8560818.


== External links ==
William Henry Holmes page at the Smithsonian
Works by William Henry Holmes at Project Gutenberg
Works by or about William Henry Holmes at Internet Archive
Holmes' 1895 Monuments of Yucatan, at Reed College website"
J. Walter Fewkes,1911–1912,"Jesse Walter Fewkes (November 14, 1850 – 1930) was an American anthropologist, archaeologist, writer and naturalist.


== Biography ==
Fewkes was born in Newton, Massachusetts, and initially trained as a zoologist at Harvard University. He later turned to ethnological studies of the native tribes in the American Southwest.
In 1889, with the resignation of noted ethnologist Frank Hamilton Cushing, Fewkes became leader of the Hemenway Southwestern Archaeological Expedition, named for its patron Mary Hemenway. While with this project, Fewkes documented the existing lifestyle and rituals of the Zuni and Hopi tribes.
Fewkes was the first man to use a phonograph to record indigenous people for study. He tested its use among the Passamaquoddy in Maine, before traveling to the Southwest to make his recordings of the Zuni (1890) and Hopi (1891). Benjamin Ives Gilman used these recordings to show that they used musical intervals unlike those in the Western tempered scale. In addition to the recordings, he wrote historically valuable descriptions of the music and musical practice.

Fewkes surveyed the ruins of a number of cultures in the American Southwest, and wrote many well received articles and books. He supervised the excavation of the Casa Grande ruins in southern Arizona, a Hohokam site, and the Mesa Verde ruins in southern Colorado, an Ancient Pueblo site. He particularly focused on the variants and styles of prehistoric Southwest Indian pottery, producing a number of volumes with carefully drawn illustrations. His work on the Mimbres and Sikyátki pottery styles eventually led to the reproduction of many of these traditional forms and images. The Hopi potter Nampeyo became his friend and reproduced the newly documented traditional designs in her own work.In study of the Hopi Indians religious rituals and festivities Fewkes compiled descriptions and drawings of the Hopis' Katsinam. He commissioned several Hopi artist, knowledgeable in the Katsina cult and with the least outside influence in art, to produce series of paintings of the Hopis' supernatural beings, the Katsinam. This Codex Hopi, a manuscript of all the known Hopi Katsinam was the first permanent documentation of the ceremonial performers and preserved the existence of the Katsinam that otherwise may have ceased to appear.Fewkes was one of the first voices for government preservation of ancient sites in the American Southwest. By the mid-1890s, vandalism of these sites was widespread. In the American Anthropologist for August 1896, Fewkes described a large cliff dwelling called Palatki, or ""Red House"", situated in the Red Rock country southwest of Flagstaff, Arizona, and appealed for protective legislation.

If this destruction of the cliff-houses of New Mexico, Colorado, and Arizona goes on at the same rate in the next fifty years that it has in the past, these unique dwellings will be practically destroyed, and unless laws are enacted, either by states or by the general government, for their protection, at the close of the twentieth century many of the most interesting monuments of the prehistoric peoples of our Southwest will be little more than mounds of debris at the bases of the cliffs. A commercial spirit is leading to careless excavations for objects to sell, and walls are ruthlessly overthrown, buildings torn down in hope of a few dollars' gain. The proper designation of the way our antiquities are treated is vandalism. Students who follow us, when these cliff-houses have all disappeared and their instructive objects scattered by greed of traders, will wonder at our indifference and designate our negligence by its proper name. It would be wise legislation to prevent this vandalism as much as possible and good science to put all excavation of ruins in trained hands.
His research on precolumbian sites of Puerto Rico, Haiti, Cuba, Trinidad, and the Lesser Antilles were culminated into his 1907 book ""Aborigines of Porto Rico and Neighboring Islands"". It's an acclaimed text of early archaeology.
Fewkes joined the Smithsonian's Bureau of American Ethnology in 1895, becoming its director in 1918.


== Publications ==
The Group of Tusayan Ceremonials Called Katcinas. The Smithsonian Institution; BAE Annual Report 1897 pp. 245–313.
A Theatrical Performance at Walpi. Washington DC.: Washington Academy of Sciences Vol II, 1900. pp605–629.
Hopi Katcinas Drawn by Native Artists. The Smithsonian Institution; BAE Annual Report 1903 pp 3–126
The Mimbres:  Art and Archaeology.  Avanyu Publishing, Albuquerque, New Mexico, republished 1993. ISBN 978-0-936755-10-6.--a reprint of three papers published by the Smithsonian Institution between 1914 and 1924.Hopi Snake Ceremonies; Avanyu Publishing Inc. Albuquerque, New Mexico 1986. Republication of selected works Bureau of American Ethnology Annual Report Nos. 16 and 19 for the years 1894–1895 and 1897–1898.


== References ==
Hough, Walter. Jessie Walter Fewkes.  American Anthropologist 33:92–97. 1931.
Nicoles, Francis S. (1919). Biography and Bibliography of Jesse Waher Fewkes (PDF).
""Smithsonian Expeditions."" Smithsonian Institution. 1996.
Pecina, Ron and Pecina, Bob. Neil David's Hopi World. Schiffer Publishing 2011. ISBN 978-0-7643-3808-3. pp 24–29.
Pecina, Ron and Pecina, Bob. Hopi Kachinas: History, Legends, and Art. Schiffer Publishing Ltd. 2013; ISBN 978-0-7643-4429-9. pp 26–29


== Notes ==


== External links ==
Works by Jesse Walter Fewkes at Project Gutenberg
Works by or about Jesse Walter Fewkes at Internet Archive
National Academy of Sciences Biographical Memoir"
Roland Dixon,1913–1914,"Roland Burrage Dixon (November 6, 1875 – December 19, 1934) was an American anthropologist.


== Life ==
Born at Worcester, Mass, in 1897 he graduated from Harvard University, where he remained as an assistant in anthropology, taking the degree of Ph. D. in 1900 and then serving as instructor and after 1906 as an assistant professor.  He was vice president of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1910–1911 and president of the American Folklore Society from 1907 to 1909.  He was professor at Harvard after 1916 and member of the American Commission to Negotiate Peace (1916–1918) in Paris.  Professor Dixon was a contributor to anthropological and ethnological journals.
Dixon was Franz Boas's first doctoral student at Harvard, and Dixon's early papers represent some of the earliest work inspired by Boas' views on culture. However, Boas did not fully articulate his views on culture until 1911, thus Dixon's work is less influenced by Boasian views than that of many of Boas' later students. Indeed, Boas and Dixon's views of culture clashed in numerous instances, in particular, over whether modern 'Stone Age' cultures could be used as analogs for prehistoric archaeological cultures. Boas was strongly opposed to this view. Dixon's approach towards cultures was geographic in orientation, and generally viewed cultures as static entities, with change primarily being induced by migration. Dixon's geographical-historical approach was not taken up by any later anthropologists.
Dixon was fellow Boas student Alfred Kroeber's closest professional colleague from 1897 until about 1906. They coordinated closely, published a number of papers jointly, and had an explicit agreement not to duplicate one another's work, Dixon working on languages and cultures in northeastern California and the northern Sierra Nevada, Kroeber in the remainder of the state.Obituaries by fellow anthropologists ascribed to Dixon an icy and demanding personality, with an attitude of ""unsympathetic impartiality, of ruthless condemnation, or of detached approval.""


== Works ==
Maidu Myths (1902)
The Chimariko Indians and Language (1910)
Maidu Texts (1912)
Oceanic Mythology (myths of the Indonesian, Oceanian, Australian region, published in 1916)
Racial History of Man (1923)


== References ==


== External links ==
http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1525/aa.1936.38.2.02a00100/pdf
This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Gilman, D. C.; Peck, H. T.; Colby, F. M., eds. (1905). New International Encyclopedia (1st ed.). New York: Dodd, Mead."
Frederick Webb Hodge,1915–1916,"Frederick Webb Hodge (October 28, 1864 – September 28, 1956) was an editor, anthropologist, archaeologist, and historian.


== Early years ==
He was born in Plymouth, England to Edwin and Emily (Webb) Hodge.  His parents moved to Washington, D.C., United States when Frederick was seven years old. In Washington, he attended Cambridge College (George Washington University).
He was awarded the honorary degree of Sc.D. by Pomona College in 1933, LL.D. by the University of New Mexico in 1934, and Litt.D. by the University of Southern California in 1943.


== Career ==
He was associated with   Columbia University and the  U.S. Geological Survey. During the Hemenway Southwestern Archaeological Expedition, he met and later married Margaret Magill, sister of Emily Tennison Magill Cushing, wife of the expeditionary leader, Frank Hamilton Cushing.He was the director of the Southwest Museum of the American Indian in Los Angeles. He served as executive officer at the Smithsonian Institution, chairman of the Committee of Editorial Management and the Committee dealing with the Linguistic Families North of Mexico. He was a member of the Committee on Archaeological Nomenclature, the Committee of Policy, the National Research Council, and the Laboratory of Anthropology, School of American Research, Journal of Physical Anthropology, and the Museum of the American Indian in New York City.Hodge was employed by the Smithsonian Institution in 1901 as executive assistant in charge of International Exchanges, but transferred to the Bureau of American Ethnology in 1905, where he worked until February 28, 1918.  Hodge was the editor for Edward S. Curtis's monumental series, The North American Indian.
After leaving the Bureau, he moved to New York City and became editor and assistant director at the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation.

In 1915, accompanied by the museum's director George Gustav Heye and staff member George H. Pepper, Hodge undertook excavations at the Nacoochee Mound near Helen, Georgia. Hodge then directed the excavations of the ruins of Hawikuh, near Zuni Pueblo, during the period 1917–23. He researched and reported on the interactions of these aborigines with the Spanish conquerors, travelers and priests since 1540.


== Notes ==


== Further reading ==
Handbook on American Indians, 1906, http://www.snowwowl.com/swolfAIHhandbook.html
Judd, Neil M., with M.R. Harrington, S.K. Lothrop, and Gene Meany. 1957. Frederick Webb Hodge, 1864–1956. American Antiquity. 22(4):401-404.


== External links ==
Works by Frederick W. Hodge at Project Gutenberg
Works by or about Frederick Webb Hodge at Internet Archive
Guide to the Frederick Webb Hodge Papers, 1888-1931. Collection Number: 9065. Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections . Cornell University Library
Provides INFO on the Huntington Free Library Native Collection, transferred from The Bronx, New York, to Cornell University, in 2004
Edward_S._Curtis.The North American Indian
[1]"
Alfred L. Kroeber,1917–1918,"Alfred Louis Kroeber (June 11, 1876 – October 5, 1960) was an American cultural anthropologist. He received his PhD under Franz Boas at Columbia University in 1901, the first doctorate in anthropology awarded by Columbia. He was also the first professor appointed to the Department of Anthropology at the University of California, Berkeley. He played an integral role in the early days of its Museum of Anthropology, where he served as director from 1909 through 1947. Kroeber provided detailed information about Ishi, the last surviving member of the Yahi people, whom he studied over a period of years. He was the father of the acclaimed novelist, poet, and writer of short stories Ursula K. Le Guin.


== Life ==
Kroeber was born in Hoboken, New Jersey, to upper middle-class parents: Florence Kroeber, who immigrated at the age of 10 to the United States with his parents and family from Germany, and Johanna Muller, who was of German descent.  His family moved into New York when Alfred was quite young, and he was tutored and attended private schools there.  He had three younger siblings and all had scholarly interests. The family was bilingual, speaking German at home, and Kroeber also began to study Latin and Greek in school, beginning a lifelong interest in languages. He attended Columbia College at the age of 16, joining the Philolexian Society and earning an AB in English in 1896 and an MA in Romantic drama in 1897. Changing fields to the new one of anthropology, he received his PhD under Franz Boas at Columbia University in 1901, basing his 28-page dissertation on decorative symbolism on his field work among the Arapaho. It was the first doctorate in anthropology awarded by Columbia.
Kroeber spent most of his career in California, primarily at the University of California, Berkeley.  He was both a Professor of Anthropology and the Director of what was then the University of California Museum of Anthropology (now the Phoebe A. Hearst Museum of Anthropology). The anthropology department's headquarters building at the University of California is named Kroeber Hall in his honor. He was associated with Berkeley until his retirement in 1946.


== Personal life ==
Kroeber married Henrietta Rothschild in 1906.  She contracted tuberculosis (TB) and died in 1913, after several years of illness.In 1926 he married again, to Theodora Kracaw Brown, a widow whom he met as a student in one of his graduate seminars. They had two children: Karl Kroeber, a literary critic, and the science fiction writer Ursula Kroeber Le Guin. In addition, Alfred adopted Theodora's sons by her first marriage, Ted and Clifton Brown, who both took his surname.
In 2003, Clifton and Karl Kroeber published a book of essays on Ishi's story, which they co-edited, called, Ishi in Three Centuries. This is the first scholarly book on Ishi to contain essays by Native American writers and academics.


== Death ==
Alfred Kroeber died in Paris on October 5, 1960.


== Influence ==
Although he is known primarily as a cultural anthropologist, he did significant work in archaeology and anthropological linguistics, and he contributed to anthropology by making connections between archaeology and culture. He conducted excavations in New Mexico, Mexico, and Peru. In Peru he helped found the Institute for Andean Studies (IAS) with the Peruvian anthropologist Julio C. Tello and other major scholars.
Kroeber and his students did important work collecting cultural data on western tribes of Native Americans. The work done in preserving information about California tribes appeared in Handbook of the Indians of California (1925). In that book, Kroeber first described a pattern in California groups where a social unit was smaller and less hierarchically organized than a tribe, which was elaborated upon in The Patwin and their Neighbors in which Kroeber first coined the term ""tribelet"" to describe this level of organization. Kroeber is credited with developing the concepts of culture area, cultural configuration (Cultural and Natural Areas of Native North America, 1939), and cultural fatigue (Anthropology, 1963).
Kroeber's influence was so strong that many contemporaries adopted his style of beard and mustache as well as his views as a cultural historian.  During his lifetime, he was known as the ""Dean of American Anthropologists"".  Kroeber and Roland B. Dixon were very influential in the genetic classification of Native American languages in North America, being responsible for theoretical groupings such as Penutian and Hokan, based on common languages.
He is noted for working with Ishi, who was claimed to be the last California Yahi Indian. (Ishi may have been of mixed ethnic heritage, with a father from the Wintu, Maidu or Nomlaki tribes.) His second wife, Theodora Kracaw Kroeber, wrote a well-known biography of Ishi, Ishi in Two Worlds. Kroeber's relationship with Ishi was the subject of a film, The Last of His Tribe (1992), starring Jon Voight as Kroeber and Graham Greene as Ishi.Kroeber's textbook, Anthropology (1923, 1948), was widely used for many years. In the late 1940s, it was one of ten books required as reading for all students during their first year at Columbia University. His book, Configurations of Cultural Growth (1944), had a lasting impact on social scientific research on genius and greatness; Kroeber believed that genius arose out of culture at particular times, rather than holding to ""the great man"" theory.


== Indian land claims ==
Kroeber served early on as the plaintiffs' director of research in Indians of California v. the United States, a land claim case.  His associate director and the director of research for the federal government in the case had both been students of his: Omer Stewart of the University of Colorado, and Ralph Beals of the University of California, Los Angeles, respectively. Kroeber's impact on the Indian Claims Commission may well have established the way expert witnesses presented testimony before the tribunal. Several of his former students also served as expert witnesses; for instance, Stewart directed the plaintiff research for the Ute and for the Shoshone peoples.


== Awards and honors ==
Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (1912)
Kroeber received five honorary degrees (Yale, California, Harvard, Columbia, Chicago)
He was awarded two gold medals.
He held honorary membership in 16 scientific societies.
President of the American Anthropological Association (1917–1918)


== Partial list of works ==
""Indian Myths of South Central California"" (1907), in University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 4:167–250. Berkeley (Six Rumsien Costanoan myths, pp. 199–202); online at Sacred Texts.
""The Religion of the Indians of California"" (1907), in University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 4:6. Berkeley, sections titled ""Shamanism"", ""Public Ceremonies"", ""Ceremonial Structures and Paraphernalia"", and ""Mythology and Beliefs""; available at Sacred Texts
Handbook of the Indians of California (1925), Washington, D.C: Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin No. 78
The Nature of Culture (1952). Chicago.
with Clyde Kluckhohn: Culture. A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions (1952). Cambridge.
Anthropology: Culture Patterns & Processes (1963). New York: Harcourt, Brace & World (earlier editions in 1923 and 1948).


== References ==


== Further reading ==


== External links ==
Works by A. L. Kroeber at Project Gutenberg
Works by or about A. L. Kroeber at Internet Archive
Works by A. L. Kroeber at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks) 
Alfred L. Kroeber, Sex in Natural History (talk at UC Berkeley, 1956) (online audio recording)
Guide to the A. L. Kroeber Papers, The Bancroft Library
A. L. Kroeber at Library of Congress Authorities, with 130 catalog records"
Clark Wissler,1919–1920,"Clark David Wissler (September 18, 1870 – August 25, 1947) was an American anthropologist.
Born in Cambridge City near Hagerstown, Indiana, Wissler graduated from Indiana University in 1897. He received his doctorate in psychology from Columbia University in 1901. After Columbia, Wissler left the field of psychology to focus on Anthropology.  Clark Wissler worked at the American Museum of Natural History as a Curator in ethnology from 1902 to 1907.  In 1907 Wissler was named Curator of Anthropology when the Archaeology and Ethnology departments were recombined under the Department of Anthropology. Clark Wissler was the first anthropologist to perceive the normative aspect of culture, to define it as learned behavior, and to describe it as a complex of ideas, all characteristics of culture that are today generally accepted. Wissler was a specialist in North American ethnography, focusing on the Indians of the Plains. He contributed to the culture area and age-area ideology of the diffusionist viewpoint that is no longer popular in anthropology. Ball State University in Muncie, Indiana holds the papers of Clark Wissler. Furthermore, one hall of Indiana University's Teter Living Center is known as ""Clark Wissler Hall"".


== Introduction ==
Clark Wissler was a renowned American anthropologist and archaeologist who was born on September 18, 1870 in Wayne County, Indiana.  After graduating from Hagerstown High School, he taught in local schools between 1887 and 1892, and studied at Purdue University after the six-month school term ended.  The following year in 1893 he was the principal of Hagerstown High School, and then he resigned his post and enrolled in Indiana University.


== Education ==
Wissler received his BA in Experimental Psychology in 1897 and received his MA in 1899.  Wissler married Etta Viola Gebhart on June 14, 1899 and he fathered a son and a daughter, Stanley Gebhart Wissler and Mary Viola Wissler.  In 1899 Wissler was appointed assistant in psychology at Columbia University.  He continued his psychology graduate work under James McKeen Cattell and he received his Ph.D. in psychology in 1901. From 1901 to 1903 Wissler performed research on individual mental and physical differences.  Wissler's doctoral dissertation used the new Pearson Correlation Coefficient formula to show that there was no correlation between scores on Cattell's IQ tests and academic achievement.  Wissler's dissertation eventually led the psychology movement to lose interest in psychophysical testing of intelligence.


== Background ==
When Wissler graduated from Columbia he abandoned psychology for anthropology.  In 1902 he became an assistant in Ethnology at the American Museum of Natural History under Franz Boas. In 1904, Wissler was named assistant curator of Ethnology and in 1905, when Boas resigned, Wissler was named Acting Curator of Ethnology.  The following year of 1906, he was named curator of the Department of Ethnology and in 1907 he was named curator of Anthropology when the Archaeology and Ethnology departments were recombined under the Department of Anthropology.  In 1924 Wissler began teaching at Yale University as a Psychological Researcher until 1931 when he switched to an Anthropology Professor, which he held until 1941.  Wissler held the position of Curator of the Department of Anthropology until 1942 when he retired.


== Employment history ==
Clark Wissler performed his field research from 1902 until 1905 on the Dakota, Gros Ventre, and the Blackfoot.  Wissler's fieldwork provided comprehensive ethnographies of each Native American culture, especially the Blackfoot.  While Curator, Wissler funded ethnological and archaeological fieldwork of the Northern Plains and the Southwest.  Wissler also ""encouraged physical anthropology, built up collections of worldwide scope, planned exhibitions, and oversaw the publication of about thirty-eight volumes of the Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History.""Wissler's best contribution to anthropology is his Culture-Area Approach.  ""He was the first anthropologist to perceive the normative aspect of culture, to define it as learned behavior, and to describe it as a complex of ideas, all characteristics of culture that are today generally accepted."" Wissler wanted to compare different cultures, but in order to do that he first needed to define what a culture is.  The concept of Culture Area had been around before Wissler, but he redefined the concept so it could be used analytically.  Wissler revolutionized the study of culture to a theory of cultural change and as an alternative to the Boasian style of anthropology.  Wissler shifted the analytical focus away from the culture and history of a specific social unit to ""a concern with the trait-complex viewed in cross cultural perspective.""  ""The correspondence of a well-defined geographical area with a group of cultures that share many features is the basis of the concept of the culture area."" Wissler states that the principal barriers that preserve the distinctness of a culture area as physical:  surface, climate fauna, and flora.  Wissler was trying to make cultural anthropology more scientific by forming a definition of culture that could be used to compare similar or different cultures.  With a set of parameters for what a culture can be based upon, variables such as climate, environment, resources, food, water, and population size etc., researchers could now compare their studies of Plains Indians to their studies of Great Basin Indians.  Wissler also helped introduce statistics with the Pearson Correlation Coefficient Formula which could be used to compare different artifacts in relations to their geological location.  This could help understand where a certain artifact, piece of pottery, or type of tool originated by testing if there is a high correlation of a certain artifact with sites in certain areas.


== Research emphasis ==
Clark Wissler's main area of research was on Native American Cultures.  His influence is overlooked because of other anthropologists like Franz Boas and Ruth Benedict.  Wissler offered some new theories that were quite different from Boas, who was a leading cultural researcher. One of Wissler's new concepts was the belief in cultural diffusion and that culture was biologically innate in humans. ""Wissler also came up with the age-area hypothesis that is a theory that the age of cultural traits may be determined by examining the distribution of these traits throughout the larger area where these traits are present.""  Wissler's Influence is still felt in Anthropology today and he is credited for helping make Cultural Anthropology and Psychology more scientific with analytical and statistical testing.


== Views on Race and Eugenics ==
Wissler was actively engaged in the American Eugenics movement, a movement with the aim of purifying the American population of people with hereditary qualities deemed undesirable. He also was a proponent of a hierarchic racial theory that saw Africans as the lowest and Nordics as the highest rungs. This theory is today considered part and parcel of the early history of scientific racism.


== Selected books and articles ==
Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, Volume XI, Part 1 (Clark Wissler). 1913
The American Indian (Clark Wissler).  1917. Oxford University Press, NY.
North American Indians of the Plains (Clark Wissler). 1920. Smithsonian Institution, New York.
Making Mankind: (Clark Wissler, Fay Cooper Cole, William M. McGovern, et al.). 1929. D. Van Nostrand Company
Star Legends (Clark Wissler). 1936. The American Museum of Natural History.
Indian Cavalcade or Life on the Old-Time Indian Reservations (Clark Wissler). 1938. Sheridan House.
Indian Costumes in the United States: A Guide to the Study of the Collections in the Museum (Clark Wissler).
Man and Culture (Clark Wissler).  1940. Norwood Editions.
Indians of the United States:  Four Centuries of Their History and Culture (Clark Wissler). 1941. Doubleday and Company.
A Blackfoot Source Book: Papers (Clark Wissler, David Hurst Thomas). 1986, Garland Pub.


== See also ==
Four Guns


== References ==


== External links ==
Clark Wissler Collection Digital Media Repository, Ball State University Libraries
Clark Wissler Papers Archives and Special Collections, Ball State University Libraries (PDF)
Works by Clark Wissler at Project Gutenberg
Works by Clark Wissler at Faded Page (Canada)
Works by or about Clark Wissler at Internet Archive
http://books.nap.edu/html/biomems/cwissler.pdf
http://www.indiana.edu/~intell/wissler.shtml
https://web.archive.org/web/20090503015834/http://www.mnsu.edu/emuseum/information/biography/uvwxyz/wissler_clark.html
http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/645996/Clark-Wissler"
W. C. Farabee,1921–1922,"William C. Farabee (1865–1925), the second individual to obtain a doctorate in physical anthropology from Harvard University, engaged in a wide range of anthropological work during his time as a professor at Harvard and then as a researcher at the University Museum, Philadelphia, but is best known for his work in human genetics and his ethnographic and geographic work in South America.
He was an 1894 graduate of Waynesburg College.


== Genetics research ==
Farabee demonstrated that Mendelian genetics operate in man.  The founder of genetics, Gregor Mendel, published the results of his studies on pea plants and heredity in 1865.  The work of Mendel was not recognized for its importance until it was rediscovered in 1900.  During the intervening 35 years, the ""discovery of chromosomes and their behavior in cell division and gametogenesis, and intensive study of cell biological variation, and…a conceptual framework for a theory of heredity, development, and evolution"" all came about (Stern 1965).  ""The time was ripe for Mendelism"" according to Stern (Ibid).  Mendel had been interested in seeing if his work with dominant and recessive characteristics was applicable to men, but it was Farabee’s work that confirmed this and helped found the study of human genetics.
Farabee was a student of William E. Castle at Harvard.  His dissertation, entitled “Heredity and Sexual Influences In Meristic Variation: A Study of Digital Malformations in Man” (Gao, 2004), was published in 1903. The bulk of his research was regarding a hereditary conditions that primarily afflicts the hands of individuals, entitled Brachydactyly.
Brachydactyly is a dominant genetic trait that is characterized by shortened fingers and shortened stature.  Farabee noticed that this trait ran in families (Farabee 1905).  For his dissertation research, Farabee chose a family affected by this trait and followed their pedigree back five generations.  By doing so he showed that the ratio of those with and without brachydactyly followed a pattern explained by Mendel’s pattern of inheritance.  The children of an abnormal (A) individual, and a normal (N) individual, had a close to fifty percent chance of being abnormal.  Farabee stated that an abnormal individual typically would have a genotype of AN, and the family’s practice of exogamy meant that their spouse would have a genotype of NN.  By crossing the two, ANxNN, the offspring could be normal or abnormal with an equal chance of either.  Because the trait is dominant, if an individual does not carry the trait, they are homozygous normal and have no risk of passing the trait on to their children, which Farabee also studied in his pedigrees.
Farabee also published on the occurrence of recessive traits in man (Castle, 1903).  While in the South, he met several albino African-American individuals, and after inquiring into their family background, noticed that the albino trait followed the 3:1 ratio in the second generation that is typical of recessive genotypes.


== Travels in South America ==
Following his work in genetics, Farabee began working in South America.  His goal was to record the cultural diversity and obtain items for the Penn Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology in Philadelphia, where he was employed as a researcher and curator.  He made three trips to the Amazon basin, each lasting several years.  During his last trip he contracted an illness that led to his death.
While in South America, Farabee traveled into very remote regions.  He helped to fill in maps of locations where there had not been any previous exploration.  On several occasions he was the first man of European descent that the natives had seen.  In other locations he witnessed the atrocities that were taking places by slave hunters, such as the story of Simasiri, a translator for the expedition, who witnessed his family sold into slavery or killed by the traders (Farabee, 1922).
The notes taken by Farabee were regarding the many different aspects of the cultures he encountered, such as dance, cosmology, marriage, dress, and particularly their varying languages.  They are detailed accounts, and were often obtained from the villagers themselves.  The ethnologies followed a set outline of characteristics to record, but in spite of this there is a great deal of personal detail and rich account of the people.
While in South America, Farabee also took note of the archaeological sites that they came across.  He freely collected artifacts that he thought would be suitable for the Museum and shipped them back to Philadelphia.  His array of pottery, beadwork, clothing, ornaments and other artifacts represent an amazing cultural diversity.
The volumes that Farabee produced from his travels include Indian Tribes of Eastern Peru based on his first trip in 1906–1908 (Obituary, 1925).  His second trip, from 1913–1916, is retold in The Central Arawaks and The Central Caribs.  His final trip was in 1921–1923.  Each of these books details the people he met and studied, and the cultural groups each belonged to.
Farabee held fairly modern views regarding the people that inhabited the Amazon.  He felt that all cultures are a product of their environment and that there is no way to separate culture and the influence that the surrounding world has had on it (Farabee, 1917).  He stated that “…there are no primitive men, neither is there primitive culture,” (Ibid), which was a novel concept at a time when man was still often viewed in terms of the size of his crania.  Although this did not preclude him from obtaining anthropometric data during his travels.  Farabee went on to state that “Man has been able to profit by his knowledge of nature’s laws, but he has not overcome them” (Farabee 1917).  This statement was also innovative because mankind was typically viewed as the apex of creation and able to overcome his natural environment.  It was Farabee’s experiences among individuals very much at the mercy of the rivers, forests and diseases that led him to these conclusions.


== Legacy ==
Within the academic community, Farabee was a respected anthropologist.  He did not produce any doctorates in physical anthropology during his time teaching at Harvard, which has earned him some criticism, there may be political reasons for this.  While Farabee was more interested in research than teaching, and may not have attracted students for this reason, it has been noted that Putnam may have also had a stifling effect on the department at the time (Spencer, 1981).  In addition to the lack of students, Farabee also faced personal insults in print, such as those presented in a rebuttal by Farabee (1921), when he was criticized for his report on the Arawak people.
Farabee was the recipient of several noteworthy awards and recognitions.  He was appointed as an honorary member of the faculty at the University of San Marcos in Lima, Peru.  President Hastings selected his as a member of the American Commission to the Peruvian Centennial with the rank of Envoy Extraordinary (deMilhau, 1922).  Additionally, he was an ethnographer in the American Commission to Negotiate Peace, in Paris during 1918–1919 (Obituary, 1925).
William Farabee was a notable member of the anthropological community.  His contributions to the early field of genetics helped pave the way for future research.  His explorations in South America recorded data that is fascinating to some (though intensely boring to others) and represents the cultures of the region before foreigners influenced them.  Although he did not leave any academic progeny, his ideas and research remain with us today.


== References ==

No Author (1925) Obituary: William Curtis Farabee. Geographical Review 15:675.
Castle, W.E. (1903) Note on Mr. Farabee’s Observations. Science 17: 75–76.
deMilhau, L.J. (1922) Introduction. Indian Tribes of Eastern Peru by W.C. Farabee. 	Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology Volume 	X.
Farabee, W.C. (1905) ""Inheritance of Digital Malformations in Man."" Papers of the Peabody Museum of the American Archaeology and Ethnology 3: 65–78.
Farabee, W.C. (1917) ""The South American Indian in His Relation to Geographic Environment."" Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 56: 281–288.
Farabee, W.C. (1918) The Central Arawaks. University of Pennsylvania, the University Museum Anthropological Publications Volume IX.
Farabee, W.C. (1921) ""The Central Arawaks: A Reply to Dr. Roth."" American Anthropologist 23: 230–233.
Farabee, W.C. (1922) ""Indian Tribes of Eastern Peru."" Papers of the Peabody Museum of 	American Archaeology and Ethnology Volume X.
Farabee, W.C. (1967) ""The Central Caribs."" University of Pennsylvania, the University 	Museum Anthropological Publications Volume X. Reprint of 1924 edition.
Gao, B., and L. He (2004) ""Answering A Century Old Riddle: Brachydactyly Type A1."" Cell Research 14: 179–187.
Spencer, F. (1981) ""The Rise of Academic Physical Anthropology in the United States: A 	Historical Overview."" American Journal of Physical Anthropology 56: 353–364.
Stern, C. (1965) ""Mendel and Human Genetics."" Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 109: 216–226."
Walter Hough,1923–1924,"Walter Hough, Ph.D. (1859–1935) was an American ethnologist who worked for the Smithsonian Institution.


== Life ==
Hough was born at Morgantown, West Virginia. He was educated at Monongalia Academy, West Virginia Agricultural College, and West Virginia University (A.B., 1883; Ph.D., 1894).  He was employed at the Smithsonian National Museum of Natural History as an assistant (1886–1894), as assistant curator of ethnology (1896–1910), and as curator from 1910 until his death in 1935. Though Hough's work revolved around cataloging the museum's collections, he also spent time doing archaeological field work in the American Southwest. In 1905, Hough unearthed preserved cobs of maize in a cave in New Mexico that helped subsequent archaeologists determine that the Mogollon ethnic group inhabited the area before the Anasazi Puebloans, who were previously considered to be the area's earliest inhabitants.

In 1892, Hough was made Knight of the Order of Isabella when in Madrid as a member of the United States Commission. He was also a member of Dr. J. Walter Fewkes' expedition to Arizona (1896–1897).


== Publications ==
""Censers and incense of Mexico and Central America""—full online copy at HathiTrust


== References ==


== External links ==
 Works written by or about Walter Hough at Wikisource
Works by Walter Hough at Project Gutenberg
""Walter Hough: An Appreciation"", American Anthropologist, Volume 38, Issue 3,
Christy G. Turner, II and Jacqueline A. Turner, ""The First Claim for Cannibalism in the Southwest: Walter Hough's 1901 Discovery at Canyon Butte Ruin 3, Northeastern Arizona"", American Antiquity, Vol. 57, No. 4 (Oct., 1992), pp. 661–682"
Ales Hrdlicka,1925–1926,"Alois Ferdinand Hrdlička, after 1918 changed to Aleš Hrdlička (March 30, 1869 – September 5, 1943), was a Czech anthropologist who lived in the United States after his family had moved there in 1881. He was born in Humpolec, Bohemia (today in the Czech Republic).


== Life and career ==
Hrdlička was born at Humpolec house 393 on 30 March 1869 and baptized Catholic the next day at the Kostel svatého Mikuláše. His mother, Karolína Hrdličková, educated her child herself; his skills and knowledge made it possible to skip the primary level of school. When he was 13, Hrdlička arrived in New York with his father Maxmilian Hrdlička on 10 September 1881 via the SS Elbe from Bremen. His mother and 3 younger siblings emigrated to the U.S. separately. After arrival, the promised job brought only a disappointment to his father who started working in a cigar factory along with teenaged Alois to earn living for the family with 6 other children. Young Hrdlička attended evening courses to improve his English, and at the age of 18, he decided to study medicine since he had suffered from tuberculosis and experienced the treatment difficulties of those times. In 1889, Hrdlička began studies at Eclectic Medical College and then continued at Homeopatic College in New York. To finish his medical studies, Hrdlička sat for exams in Baltimore in 1894. At first, he worked in the Middletown asylum for mentally affected where he learnt of anthropometry. In 1896, Hrdlička left for Paris, where he started to work as an anthropologist with other experts of then establishing field of science.
Between 1898 and 1903, during his scientific travel across America, Hrdlička became the first scientist to spot and document the theory of human colonization of the American continent from east Asia, which he claimed was only some 3,000 years ago. He argued that the Indians migrated across the Bering Strait from Asia, supporting this theory with detailed field research of skeletal remains as well as studies of the people in Mongolia, Tibet, Siberia, Alaska, and Aleutian Islands. The findings backed up the argument which later contributed to the theory of global origin of human species that was awarded by the Thomas Henry Huxley Award in 1927.
Aleš Hrdlička founded and became the first curator of physical anthropology of the U.S. National Museum, now the Smithsonian Institution National Museum of Natural History in 1903. He was the founder of the American Journal of Physical Anthropology in 1918.  After he stepped down, the journal volume number, which had reached Volume 29 in 1942, was restarted at Volume 1 in 1943.
Hrdlička was involved in examining a skull to determine that it belonged to Adolph Ruth, who was sensationalized in the press when Ruth went missing in Arizona in 1931 searching for the legendary Lost Dutchman's Gold Mine. 
He always sponsored his fellow expatriates and also donated the institution of anthropology in Prague, which was founded in 1930 by his co-explorer Jindřich Matiegka, in his natal country (the institution later took his name). Between 1936 and 1938, Hrdlička led the recovery of over 50 mummies from caves on Kagamil Island.


== European hypothesis ==

Hrdlička was interested in the origin of the human being. He was a critic of hominid evolution as well as the Asia hypothesis, as he claimed there was little evidence to go on for those theories. He dismissed finds such as the Ramapithecus which were labeled as hominids by most scientists, instead believing that they were nothing more than fossil apes, unrelated to human ancestry.In a lecture on ""The Origin of Man"", delivered for the American Association for the Advancement of Science, at Cincinnati, Ohio, Hrdlička said that the cradle of man is not in Central Asia but in Central Europe, as Europe is the earliest known location where human skeletal remains have been found.
Hrdlička was almost alone in his views. The European hypothesis fell into decline and is now considered an obsolete scientific theory which has been replaced by the Multiregional hypothesis and the Out of Africa hypothesis.


== Controversy and criticism ==
More recently, Hrdlička's methods have come under scrutiny and criticism with regard to his treatment of Native American remains. An AP newswire article, ""Mexico Indian Remains Returned From NY Museum For Burial"" from November 17, 2009, recounted his study of Mexico's tribal races, including the beheading of still-decomposing victims of a massacre of Yaqui Indians and removing the flesh from the skulls as part of these studies. He also threw out the corpse of an infant that was found in a cradleboard but forwarded this artifact along with the skulls and other remains to New York's American Museum of Natural History. While these practices are not inconsistent with other ethnographers and human origin researchers of that era, the moral and ethical ramifications of these research practices continues to be debated today. His work has also been linked to the development of American eugenics laws.


== Family ==
August 6, 1896 Hrdlička married German-American Marie Stickler (whom he had courted since 1892), daughter of Phillip Jakob Strickler from Edenkoben, Bavaria, who immigrated to Manhattan in 1855. Marie died in 1918 of complications of diabetes. In the summer of 1920 Hrdlička married a second time, his fiancée was another German-American woman, Wilhelmina ""Mina"" Mansfield.


== References ==


== Literature ==
Mann, Charles. 1491: New Revelations of the Americas Before Columbus, New York: Random House, 2005.
Redman, Samuel J. Bone Rooms: From Scientific Racism to Human Prehistory in Museums, Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 2016.


== External links ==

Works by Aleš Hrdlička at Project Gutenberg
Works by or about Aleš Hrdlička at Internet Archive
EMuseum short biography Minnesota State University
Biography of Ales Hrdlicka at American Journal of Physical Anthropology
Register to the Papers of Aleš Hrdlička, National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution
National Academy of Sciences Biographical Memoir"
Marshall Saville,1927–1928,"Marshall Howard Saville (1867–1935) was an American archaeologist, born in Rockport, Massachusetts.  He studied anthropology at Harvard (1889–1894), engaged in field work under F. W. Putnam, and made important discoveries among the mound builders in southern Ohio. After 1903 he was professor of American archæology at Columbia University. He also became director of an important private museum in New York, the Museum of the American Indian (Heye Foundation).  Saville conducted many explorations to various places such as Yucatan, Honduras, Mexico, Ecuador and Colombia.
Saville was a founding member of the Explorers Club, an organization formally established in 1905 and dedicated to promoting exploration and scientific investigation in the field.


== Notes ==


== External links ==
Mexican and Central American Archaeological Projects – Electronic articles published by the Division of Anthropology, American Museum of Natural History.
Works by Marshall Howard Saville at Project Gutenberg
Works by or about Marshall Howard Saville at Internet Archive"
Alfred M. Tozzer,1929–1930,"Alfred Marston Tozzer (4 July 1877 – 5 October 1954) was an American anthropologist, archaeologist, linguist, and educator.  His principal area of interest was Mesoamerican, especially Maya, studies. He was the husband of Margaret Castle Tozzer  and father of figure skating champion Joan Tozzer.


== Early studies and career ==
Alfred Tozzer was born in Lynn, Massachusetts to Samuel Clarence (1846–1908) and Caroline (née Marston, 1847–1926) Tozzer, and graduated in Anthropology from Harvard University in 1900. That summer he entered field as an assistant to Harvard's Roland Dixon to study American Indian languages of California. The following year he collected linguistic and ethnographic data on the Navajos living near Pueblo Bonito in New Mexico. From these experiences he published his first paper, which he presented at the Thirteenth International Congress of Americanists held in New York in 1902.
In December 1901, he won appointment as a Traveling Fellow for the Archeological Institute of America. He spent several seasons in Yucatán conducting fieldwork among the Maya. He began at the Hacienda Chichen, owned by U.S. Consul to Yucatán Edward H. Thompson, a large plantation that included the ancient city of Chichen Itza. There he studied the Maya language and traveled the countryside collecting folk tales and oral histories. During one of his seasons at Chichen Itza he helped Thompson dredge the Cenote Sagrado; at the end of another, he carried artifacts to the Peabody Museum in his luggage.In 1903, Tozzer traveled to Campeche and Chiapas to conduct research among the Lacandon Maya, and lived for several weeks in a small settlement on Lake Pethá, witnessing and even participating in their ceremonies. He returned there during the 1904 season. He wrote his PhD dissertation comparing the ceremonies of the Lacondone Maya with the Yucatecan Maya.
In the fall of 1904, he studied at Columbia University under Franz Boas and Adolph Bandelier. He spent one more season in Yucatán, Campeche and Chiapas, before settling at Harvard in the fall of 1905 as an assistant professor of anthropology.


== Transition to archaeologist ==
From the beginning of his professional career, Tozzer began to shift more to archaeology and away from ethnography. During his seasons at Chichen, he assisted Adela Breton with her copies of reliefs, and Thompson who was making paper molds. During his time with the Lacandons he discovered and explored ruins that today share the name of the Rio Tzendales. In the summer of 1907, he joined Dixon, Alfred Kidder and Sylvanus Morley on a purely archaeological expedition to Rito de los Frijoles in New Mexico (today part of Bandelier National Monument).
In 1910 he took a leave of absence from Harvard to lead his first expedition to the ruins of Tikal and Nakum on behalf of the university's Peabody Museum.. On this trip Tozzer discovered the ruins of Holmul.
In 1914 Tozzer took another leave of absence to succeed Boas as director of the International School of American Archeology and Ethnology in Mexico. He arrived in Veracruz in time to witness the US Navy shelling of the city. He oversaw excavation of the Toltec site at Santiago Ahuitzotla. Once his term as director expired, he never ventured into the field again.Tozzer eventually returned to Harvard where he would spend the remainder of his professional career, except for stints in the military. He served as a captain in the Air Service from 1917 to 1918. He served as a major in the Reserves from 1918 to 1929. During World War II, he served as director of the Honolulu office of the Office of Strategic Services from 1943 to 1945.


== Later career ==
Tozzer returned from World War I to his post as associate professor at Harvard. Within three years he was a full professor and chairman of the Division of Anthropology.
In 1922, Tozzer won appointment to the Academic Board at Radcliffe College, and later become a trustee in 1928. He served on Harvard's Administrative Board from 1928 until his retirement in 1948.
Tozzer published several important works in Maya studies, among them, A Grammar of the Maya language, and an annotated translation of Bishop Diego de Landa's Relación de las cosas de Yucatán . His magnum opus, Chichen Itza and its Cenote of Sacrifice (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Memoirs of the Peabody Museum, 1957), was published after his death in 1954. A massive volume with hundreds of illustrations, “It covers every aspect of Chichen Itza: its history, religious cults, arts, and industries as well as contacts with other regions,” noted S.K. Lothrop in his obituary of Tozzer. “It concentrates in a single volume the learning acquired in half a century.”Tozzer was elected by his peers to two consecutive terms as president of the American Anthropological Association beginning in 1928. In 1942 he was elected to the National Academy of Sciences.
In 1974 the Peabody Museum renamed its library after Tozzer, who was active in building the library's collection and in its management from 1935 to his retirement.


== Notes ==


== External links ==
Works by Alfred Tozzer at Project Gutenberg
Works by or about Alfred Tozzer at Internet Archive"
George MacCurdy,1931,"George Grant MacCurdy, A.M., Ph.D. (April 17, 1863 – November 15, 1947) was an American anthropologist, born at Warrensburg, Mo., where he graduated from the State Normal School in 1887, after which he attended Harvard (A.B., 1893; A.M., 1894); then studied in Europe at Vienna, Paris (School of Anthropology), and at Berlin (1894–1898; and at Yale (Ph.D., 1905).  He was employed at Yale from 1902 onward as instructor, lecturer, curator of the anthropological collections (1902–1910), and assistant professor of archaeology after 1910. He was a member of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences.


== European hypothesis ==
MacCurdy argued for Europe as the origin of the first humans, in his 1924 book Human Origins, he said: “The beginnings of things human, so far as we have been able to discover them, have their fullest exemplification in Europe”.


== Works ==
He was the author of:

Obsidian razor of the Aztecs (1900)
The Eolithic Problem (1905)
Some Phases of Prehistoric Archœology (1907)
Recent Discoveries Bearing on the Antiquity of Man in Europe (1910)
A Study of Chiriquian Antiquities (1911)
Review of Mayan Art (1913)
Human Skulls from Gazelle Peninsula (1914)
Human Origins (1924)
The Coming of Man, USA: The University Society, 1935 [1932], retrieved 10 October 2011


== References =="
John R. Swanton,1932,"John Reed Swanton (February 19, 1873 – May 2, 1958) was an American anthropologist, folklorist,
and linguist who worked with Native American peoples throughout the United States. Swanton achieved recognition in the fields of ethnology and ethnohistory.  He is particularly noted for his work with indigenous peoples of the Southeast and Pacific Northwest.


== Early life and education ==
Born in Gardiner, Maine, after the death of his father, Walter Scott Swanton, he was raised by his mother, née Mary Olivia Worcester, his grandmother, and his great aunt. From his mother, in particular, he was imbued with a gentle disposition, a concern for human justice, and a lifelong interest in the works of Emanuel Swedenborg. He was inspired to pursue history, and, more specifically, anthropology by his reading of William H. Prescott, The Conquest of Mexico. Swanton attended local schools and then entered Harvard University, earning an AB in 1896, an AM in 1897, and a PhD in 1900. His mentor at Harvard was Frederic Ward Putnam, who sent him to study linguistics with Franz Boas at Columbia University in 1898 and 1899, as he worked on his PhD dissertation, The Morphology of the Chinook Verb.


== Career ==
Within months of receiving his doctorate from Harvard, Swanton began working for the Bureau of American Ethnology of the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, DC, at which He continued for the duration  of his career, spanning more than 40 years. Swanton first did fieldwork in the Northwest. In his early career, he worked mostly with the Tlingit and Haida.  He produced two extensive compilations of Haida stories and myths, and transcribed many of them into Haida. These transcriptions have served as the basis for Robert Bringhurst's recent (1999) translation of the poetry of Haida mythtellers Skaay and Gandl. Swanton spent roughly a year with the Haida.
Another major study area was of the Muskogean-speaking peoples in Texas, Louisiana, and Oklahoma.  Swanton published extensively on the Creek people, Chickasaw, and Choctaw. He also documented analyses about many other less well-known groups, such as the Biloxi and Ofo. He worked with Natchez speaker Watt Sam and argued in favor of including the Natchez language with the Muskogean language group.
Swanton wrote works including partial dictionaries, studies of linguistic relationships, collections of native stories, and studies of social organization.  He worked with Earnest Gouge, a Creek who recorded a large number of traditional stories at Swanton's request.  These materials were never published by Swanton.  They have recently been published online as Creek Folktales by Earnest Gouge, in a project by The College of William and Mary which includes some of the recordings by Gouge.Swanton also worked with the Caddo, and published briefly on the quipu system of the Inca.


== Professional affiliations ==
Swanton was one of the founding members of the Swedenborg Scientific Association in 1898. He was president of the American Anthropological Association in 1932.  He also served as editor of the American Anthropological Association's flagship journal, American Anthropologist, in 1911 and from 1921 to 1923.


== Personal life ==
Swanton married Alice M. Barnard on Dec. 16, 1903, with whom he had three children: Mary Alice Swanton, John Reed Swanton, Jr., and Henry Allen Swanton. He died in Newton, Massachusetts, on May 2, 1958, at the age of 85.


== List of works ==
1898. ""The Distinctness and Necessity of Swedenborg’s Scientific System"", The New Philosophy, Vol. 1 No. 1, January, 1898.
1905. ""Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida"", Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition 5(1); American Museum of Natural History Memoirs 8(1). Leiden: E.J. Brill; New York: G.E. Stechert.
1905. ""Haida Texts and Myths: Skidegate Dialect"", Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin, No. 29. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office.
1909. ""Tlingit Myths and Texts"", Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin, No. 39. Smithsonian Institution; Washington, D.C.:Government Printing Office.
1911. ""Indian Tribes of the Lower Mississippi Valley and Adjacent Coast of the Gulf of Mexico"", . Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin, No. 43.  Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, available on Portal to North Texas Website, University of North Texas
1918. ""An Early Account of the Choctaw Indians"", American Anthropologist, Vol. 5, pp. 51–72.
1922. ""Early History of the Creek Indians and Their Neighbors"", Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin, No. 73. Washington D.C.: Government Printing Office.
1927. ""Religious Beliefs and Medical Practices of the Creek Indians"", Forty-Second Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 639–670. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office.
1928. Emanuel Swedenborg, Prophet of the Higher Evolution : An Exposition of the Cosmic Theory Set Forth By Emanuel Swedenborg. New York: New Church Press.
1928. ""Social Organization and the Social Usages of the Indians of the Creek Confederacy"", Forty-Second Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology for the Years 1924–1925, pg. 279–325. Washington, D.C. Government Printing Office.
1929. ""Myths & Tales of the Southeastern Indians"", Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin, No.  88, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office.
1931. ""Modern Square Grounds of the Creek Indians"", Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 85, No. 8., pp. 1–46 + Plates.
1931. ""Source Material for the Social and Ceremonial Life of the Choctaw Indians"", Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin, No. 103. Washington, D.C.:Government Printing Office.
1942. ""Source Material on the History and Ethnology of the Caddo Indians"", Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin, No. 132. Washington, D.C.:Government Printing Office.
1943. ""The Quipu and Peruvian civilization"", Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin, No. 133. Washington, D.C.:Government Printing Office.
1946. The Indians of the Southeastern United States. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin, No. 137. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office.
1952. The Indian Tribes of North America. Smithsonian Institution Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin, No. 145. Washington: Government Printing Office
1952.  Swanton, ""California Tribes"", The Indian Tribes of North America. Smithsonian Institution Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin, No. 145. Washington: GPO, Native American Documents Project, California State University. San Marcos, 2007With James Owen Dorsey:

1912. A Dictionary of the Biloxi and Ofo Languages. Bureau of America Ethnology Bulletin, No. 47. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.:Government Printing Office.


== References ==


== Further reading ==
Bringhurst, Robert (1999) A Story as Sharp as a Knife: The Classical Haida Mythtellers and Their World.  Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre.
* Julian H. Steward, ""John Reed Swanton (1873–1958): A Biographical Memoir"", The National Academies Press, pdf


== External links ==
""John Reed Swanton"" 1873–1958, E Museum, Minnesota State University Mankato.
BC Bookworld Search"
Fay-Cooper Cole,1933–1934,"Fay-Cooper Cole (8 August 1881 – 3 September 1961) was a professor of anthropology and founder of the anthropology department at the University of Chicago and was a student of Franz Boas. Most famously, he was a witness for the defense for John Scopes at the Scopes Trial. Cole also played a central role in planning the anthropology exhibits for the 1933 Century of Progress World's Fair. He was elected a Member of the American Philosophical Society in 1941.


== Works ==
1912 Chinese pottery in the Philippines, Volume 12
1956 The Bukidnon of the Philippines, published by the Chicago Natural History Museum.


== References ==


== External links ==
Works by Fay-Cooper Cole at Project Gutenberg
Works by or about Fay-Cooper Cole at Internet Archive


== References ==
Redman, Samuel J. Bone Rooms: From Scientific Racism to Human Prehistory in Museum (Cambridge: Harvard University Press). 2016."
Robert H. Lowie,1935,"Robert Harry Lowie (born Robert Heinrich Löwe; June 12, 1883 – September 21, 1957) was an Austrian-born American anthropologist. An expert on North American Indians, he was instrumental in the development of modern anthropology.


== Biography ==
Lowie was born and spent the first ten years of his life in Vienna, Austria-Hungary, but came to the United States in 1893. He studied at the College of the City of New York, where in 1896 he met and became friends with Paul Radin and from where he acquired his BA in Classical Philology in 1901. After a short stint as a teacher, he began studying chemistry at Columbia University, but soon switched to anthropology under the tutelage of Franz Boas, Livingston Farrand and Clark Wissler. Influenced by Clark Wissler, Lowie began his first fieldwork on the Lemhi Reservation in Idaho in the Northern Shoshone in 1906. He graduated (Ph.D.) in 1908. In 1909, he became assistant curator to Clark Wissler at the American Museum of Natural History, New York. During his time there, Lowie became a specialist in American Indians, being active in field research, particularly in several excursions to the Great Plains. This work led in particular to his identification with the Crow Indians. In 1917, he became assistant professor at the University of California, Berkeley. From 1925 until his retirement in 1950, he was professor of anthropology at Berkeley, where, along with Alfred Louis Kroeber, he was a central figure in anthropological scholarship.
Lowie undertook several expeditions to the Great Plains, where he conducted ethnographic fieldwork at the Absarokee (Crow, 1907, 1910–1916, 1931), Arikaree, Hidatsa, Mandan and Shoshone (1906, 1912–1916). Shorter research expeditions led him to the southwestern United States, the Great Basin and to South America where he was inspired by Curt Nimuendaju. The focus of some of Lowie's work was salvage ethnography, the rapid collection of data from cultures close to extinction.
Ruth Benedict and Robert Lowie were both commissioned during World War II to write a piece about an enemy during wartime by the United States Office of War Information. Unlike Benedict's Chrysanthemum and the Sword in which she describes the culture of Japan without ever having set foot in Japan, Lowie could at least draw on his recollections from the German-speaking world of his childhood. In his book The German People, Lowie took a cautious approach and stressed his ignorance of what was going on in his country of origin at this time. Once the war ended, Lowie made several short trips to Germany.
Together with Alfred Kroeber, Lowie was one of the first generation of students of Franz Boas. His theoretical orientation was within the Boasian mainstream of anthropological thought, emphasizing cultural relativism and opposed to the cultural evolutionism of the Victorian era. Like many prominent anthropologists at the time, including Boas, his scholarship originated in the school of German idealism and romanticism espoused by earlier thinkers such as Kant, Georg Hegel and Johann Gottfried Herder. Lowie, somewhat stronger than his mentor Boas, emphasized historical components and the element of variability in his works. For him, cultures were not finished constructs, but always changing and he stressed the idea that cultures could interact.
Lowie influenced the discipline of social anthropology through his use of a system to distinguish kinship relationships: he identified four main systems, which differed based on the names of the relatives of the first ascending generation, i.e. the parent generation. His Classification Scheme was slightly modified by George P. Murdock by dividing one of Lowie's four systems into a further three types.


== Writings ==
His principal works include:

Societies of the Arikara Indians (1914)
Dances and Societies of the Plains Shoshones (1915)
Notes on the social Organization and Customs of the Mandan, Hidatsa and Crow Indians (1917)
Culture and Ethnology (1917)
Plains Indian Age Societies (1917)
Myths and Traditions of the Crow Indians (1918)
The Matrilineal Complex (1919)
Primitive Society (1919)
The religion of the Crow Indians (1922)
The Material Culture of the Crow Indians (1922)
Crow Indian Art (1922)
Psychology and Anthropology of Races (1923)
Primitive Religion (1924)
The Origin of the State (1927)
The Crow Indians (1935)
History of Ethnological Theory (1937)
The German People (1945)
Social Organization (1948)
Towards Understanding Germany (1954)
Robert H. Lowie, Ethnologist; A Personal Record (1959)


== References ==
Claude Lévi-Strauss: Tristes Tropiques, citing influence on author of Lowie's book 'Primitive Society'


== Further reading ==
Spiro, Jonathan P. (2009). Defending the Master Race: Conservation, Eugenics, and the Legacy of Madison Grant. Univ. of Vermont Press. ISBN 978-1-58465-715-6. Lay summary (29 September 2010).CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)


== External links ==
Robert Lowie
American Ethnography – Lowie's obituary, written by Paul Radin
Guide to the Robert Harry Lowie Papers at The Bancroft Library
National Academy of Sciences Biographical Memoir
Works by Robert Lowie at Project Gutenberg
Works by or about Robert Lowie at Internet Archive"
Herbert Spinden,1936,"Herbert Joseph Spinden (1879–1967) was an American anthropologist, archeologist and art historian who specialized in the study of Native American cultures of the US and Mesoamerica. In 1936 he was president of the American Anthropological Association. He was born in Huron, South Dakota. He obtained his Ph.D. in 1909 at Harvard where he specialized in Maya art under the direction of Alfred Tozzer, he then worked American Museum of Natural History where he undertook archeological studies in Mexico and Central America. While working as an archeologist in Central America he and Sylvanus G. Morley were among the American scientists gathering intelligence for the US Army. He then curated the collection of the Peabody Museum at Harvard, before taking museum positions in Brooklyn and Buffalo. He also did ethnographic studies among the Nez Percé. In 1919 he published a study of Maya calendrics giving a correlation between the Maya calendar and the Gregorian calendar – a correlation which was nonetheless not widely accepted.In 1948, Spinden married dancer Ailes Gilmour. They had a son, Joseph.


== References =="
Nels Nelson (archaeologist),1937,"Nels Christian Nelson (April 9, 1875 – March 5, 1964) was a Danish-American archaeologist.


== Biography ==
Nelson was born near Fredericia, in the Fredericia municipality in the eastern part of Jutland, Denmark. He was  the eldest child in a poor family. He was sent to work on an uncle's farm in Minnesota in 1892. There he started first grade at age 17, graduating from high school in 1901. He rode a cattle car to California, saved money from odd jobs, and entered Stanford University in about 1903. He transferred to the University of California, Berkeley in 1905. Nelson earned his Bachelor of Letters in 1907, and an M.L. in 1908.Nelson  became interested in anthropology, and went to work for John C. Merriam surveying middens around San Francisco Bay and on the California coast. Nelson later estimated he walked 3,000 miles for the survey. In 1911, Nelson accepted a job with the American Museum of Natural History to do an archaeological survey of the upper Rio Grande valley of New Mexico. His new wife, Ethelyn Hobbs Nelson, would be his paid field assistant. Nelson excavated a number of Pueblo ruins in the Galisteo Basin, many of which were abandoned following the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. He also did some excavation at Chaco Canyon with Earl Morris.Nelson pioneered the technique of stratigraphic excavation in America. During his work in the Galisteo Basin, he dug a series of 1-foot levels in trash mounds at archeological sites, classified all the pot shards he found  into seven types, and calculated their frequencies by levels. These resembled sections of normal distribution curves, and demonstrated that statistical analysis of data from arbitrary levels could reveal chronological change just as could data from physically distinct strata. This technique, refined by Alfred V. Kidder at Pecos, continues to be used to the present day.The Daxi culture, a Neolithic culture,  located in the Qutang Gorge around Wushan, Chongqing, in China was discovered by Nels C. Nelson in the 1920s. The Nelsons joined Roy Chapman Andrews on his third expedition to Mongolia in 1925.Nelson served as President of the American Anthropological Association, President of the Society for American Archaeology, President of the American Ethnological Society, and Vice President of the American Association for the Advancement of Science. Nelson served in a number of curatorial positions at American Museum of Natural History (AMNH), ultimately as Curator of Prehistoric Archeology. He retired from AMNH in 1943, and died in 1964 in New York City, at age 89.


== Notable publications ==
Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Region  (University of California publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology. v. 7, no. 4. Berkeley: University Press. 1909)
Pueblo ruins of the Galisteo basin, New Mexico (Anthropological papers of the American museum of Natural History. Vol. XV, pt. I. The Trustees. 1914)
Chronology of the Tano Ruins, New Mexico (American Anthropologist, vol. 18, No. 2, pp. 159–180. 1916)
Flint Working By Ishi (Holmes Anniversary Volume. Anthropological Essays Presented to Wm. Henry Holmes. Washington D.C.:397–402. 1916)
Contributions to the Archaeology of Mammoth Cave and Vicinity, Kentucky (Anthropological papers of the American Museum of Natural History. vol. 22, pt. 1. 1917)
The New Conquest of Central Asia; A Narrative of the Explorations of the Central Asiatic Expeditions in Mongolia and China, 1921–1930 (with Roy Chapman Andrews,  Walter W. Granger and Clifford H. Pope. New York: The American Museum of Natural History. 1932)
The antiquity of man in America in the light of archaeology (University of Toronto Press. 1933)
Notes on the Santa Barbara culture (Essays in anthropology in honor of Alfred Louis Kroeber  pp. 199–209. Univ. of California Press. 1936)
South African rock pictures (American Museum of Natural History. 1937)


== References ==


== External links ==
Archaeology and the Public in the Galisteo Basin
Nelson's stratigraphic work in the Galisteo Basin
Anthropological Association
Society for American Archaeology"
Edward Sapir,1938,"Edward Sapir (; January 26, 1884 – February 4, 1939) was an American anthropologist-linguist, who is widely considered to be one of the most important figures in the early development of the discipline of linguistics.Sapir was born in German Pomerania. His family emigrated to the United States of America when he was a child. He studied Germanic linguistics at Columbia, where he came under the influence of Franz Boas, who inspired him to work on Native American languages. While finishing his Ph.D. he went to California to work with Alfred Kroeber documenting the indigenous languages there. He was employed by the Geological Survey of Canada for fifteen years, where he came into his own as one of the most significant linguists in North America, the other being Leonard Bloomfield. He was offered a professorship at the University of Chicago, and stayed for several years continuing to work for the professionalization of the discipline of linguistics. By the end of his life he was professor of anthropology at Yale, where he never really fit in. Among his many students were the linguists Mary Haas and Morris Swadesh, and anthropologists such as Fred Eggan and Hortense Powdermaker.
With his linguistic background, Sapir became the one student of Boas to develop most completely the relationship between linguistics and anthropology. Sapir studied the ways in which language and culture influence each other, and he was interested in the relation between linguistic differences, and differences in cultural world views. This part of his thinking was developed by his student Benjamin Lee Whorf into the principle of linguistic relativity or the ""Sapir–Whorf"" hypothesis. In anthropology Sapir is known as an early proponent of the importance of psychology to anthropology, maintaining that studying the nature of relationships between different individual personalities is important for the ways in which culture and society develop.Among his major contributions to linguistics is his classification of Indigenous languages of the Americas, upon which he elaborated for most of his professional life. He played an important role in developing the modern concept of the phoneme, greatly advancing the understanding of phonology.
Before Sapir it was generally considered impossible to apply the methods of historical linguistics to languages of indigenous peoples because they were believed to be more primitive than the Indo-European languages. Sapir was the first to prove that the methods of comparative linguistics were equally valid when applied to indigenous languages. In the 1929 edition of Encyclopædia Britannica he published what was then the most authoritative classification of Native American languages, and the first based on evidence from modern comparative linguistics. He was the first to produce evidence for the classification of the Algic, Uto-Aztecan, and Na-Dene languages. He proposed some language families that are not considered to have been adequately demonstrated, but which continue to generate investigation such as Hokan and Penutian.
He specialized in the study of Athabascan languages, Chinookan languages, and Uto-Aztecan languages, producing important grammatical descriptions of Takelma, Wishram, Southern Paiute. Later in his career he also worked with Yiddish, Hebrew, and Chinese, as well as Germanic languages, and he also was invested in the development of an International Auxiliary Language.


== Life ==


=== Childhood and youth ===
Sapir was born into a family of Lithuanian Jews in Lauenburg in the Province of Pomerania where his father, Jacob David Sapir, worked as a cantor. The family was not Orthodox, and his father maintained his ties to Judaism through its music. The Sapir family did not stay long in Pomerania and never accepted German as a nationality. Edward Sapir's first language was Yiddish, and later English. In 1888, when he was four years old, the family moved to Liverpool, England, and in 1890 to the United States, to Richmond, Virginia. Here Edward Sapir lost his younger brother Max to typhoid fever. His father had difficulty keeping a job in a synagogue and finally settled in New York on the Lower East Side, where the family lived in poverty. As Jacob Sapir could not provide for his family, Sapir's mother, Eva Seagal Sapir, opened a shop to supply the basic necessities. They formally divorced in 1910. After settling in New York, Edward Sapir was raised mostly by his mother, who stressed the importance of education for upward social mobility, and turned the family increasingly away from Judaism. Even though Eva Sapir was an important influence, Sapir received his lust for knowledge and interest in scholarship, aesthetics, and music from his father. At age 14 Sapir won a Pulitzer scholarship to the prestigious Horace Mann high school, but he chose not to attend the school which he found too posh, going instead to DeWitt Clinton High School, and saving the scholarship money for his college education. Through the scholarship Sapir supplemented his mother's meager earnings.


=== Education at Columbia ===
Sapir entered Columbia in 1901, still paying with the Pulitzer scholarship. Columbia at this time was one of the few elite private universities that did not limit admission of Jewish applicants with implicit quotas around 12%. Approximately 40% of incoming students at Columbia were Jewish. Sapir earned both a B.A. (1904) and an M.A. (1905) in Germanic philology from Columbia, before embarking on his Ph.D. in Anthropology which he completed in 1909.


==== College ====

Sapir emphasized language study in his college years at Columbia, studying Latin, Greek, and French for eight semesters. From his sophomore year he additionally began to focus on Germanic languages, completing coursework in Gothic, Old High German, Old Saxon, Icelandic, Dutch, Swedish, and Danish. Through Germanics professor William Carpenter, Sapir was exposed to methods of comparative linguistics that were being developed into a more scientific framework than the traditional philological approach. He also took courses in Sanskrit, and complemented his language studies by studying music in the department of the famous composer Edward MacDowell (though it is uncertain whether Sapir ever studied with MacDowell himself). In his last year in college Sapir enrolled in the course ""Introduction to Anthropology"", with Professor Livingston Farrand, who taught the Boas ""four field"" approach to anthropology. He also enrolled in an advanced anthropology seminar taught by Franz Boas, a course that would completely change the direction of his career.


==== Influence of Boas ====

Although still in college, Sapir was allowed to participate in the Boas graduate seminar on American Languages, which included translations of Native American and Inuit myths collected by Boas. In this way Sapir was introduced to Indigenous American languages while he kept working on his M.A. in Germanic linguistics. Robert Lowie later said that Sapir's fascination with indigenous languages stemmed from the seminar with Boas in which Boas used examples from Native American languages to disprove all of Sapir's common-sense assumptions about the basic nature of language. Sapir's 1905 Master's thesis was an analysis of Johann Gottfried Herder's Treatise on the Origin of Language, and included examples from Inuit and Native American languages, not at all familiar to a Germanicist. The thesis criticized Herder for retaining a Biblical chronology, too shallow to allow for the observable diversification of languages, but he also argued with Herder that all of the world's languages have equal aesthetic potentials and grammatical complexity. He ended the paper by calling for a ""very extended study of all the various existing stocks of languages, in order to determine the most fundamental properties of language"" – almost a program statement for the modern study of linguistic typology, and a very Boasian approach.In 1906 he finished his coursework, having focused the last year on courses in anthropology and taking seminars such as Primitive Culture with Farrand, Ethnology with Boas, Archaeology and courses in Chinese language and culture with Berthold Laufer. He also maintained his Indo-European studies with courses in Celtic, Old Saxon, Swedish, and Sanskrit. Having finished his coursework, Sapir moved on to his doctoral fieldwork, spending several years in short term appointments while working on his dissertation.


==== Early fieldwork ====

Sapir's first fieldwork was on the Wishram Chinook language in the summer of 1905, funded by the Bureau of American Ethnology. This first experience with Native American languages in the field was closely overseen by Boas, who was particularly interested in having Sapir gathering ethnological information for the Bureau. Sapir gathered a volume of Wishram texts, published 1909, and he managed to achieve a much more sophisticated understanding of the Chinook sound system than Boas. In the summer of 1906 he worked on Takelma and Chasta Costa. Sapir's work on Takelma became his doctoral dissertation, which he defended in 1908. The dissertation foreshadowed several important trends in Sapir's work, particularly the careful attention to the intuition of native speakers regarding sound patterns that later would become the basis for Sapir's formulation of the phoneme.In 1907–1908 Sapir was offered a position at the University of California at Berkeley, where Boas' first student Alfred Kroeber was the head of a project under the California state survey to document the Indigenous languages of California. Kroeber suggested that Sapir study the nearly extinct Yana language, and Sapir set to work. Sapir worked first with Betty Brown, one of the language's few remaining speakers. Later he began work with Sam Batwi, who spoke another dialect of Yana, but whose knowledge of Yana mythology was an important fount of knowledge. Sapir described the way in which the Yana language distinguishes grammatically and lexically between the speech of men and women.The collaboration between Kroeber and Sapir was made difficult by the fact that Sapir largely followed his own interest in detailed linguistic description, ignoring the administrative pressures to which Kroeber was subject, among them the need for a speedy completion and a focus on the broader classification issues. In the end Sapir didn't finish the work during the allotted year, and Kroeber was unable to offer him a longer appointment.
Disappointed at not being able to stay at Berkeley, Sapir devoted his best efforts to other work, and did not get around to preparing any of the Yana material for publication until 1910, to Kroeber's deep disappointment.Sapir ended up leaving California early to take up a fellowship at the University of Pennsylvania, where he taught Ethnology and American Linguistics. At Pennsylvania he worked closely with another student of Boas, Frank Speck, and the two undertook work on Catawba in the summer of 1909. Also in the summer of 1909, Sapir went to Utah with his student J. Alden Mason. Intending originally to work on Hopi, he studied the Southern Paiute language; he decided to work with Tony Tillohash, who proved to be the perfect informant. Tillohash's strong intuition about the sound patterns of his language led Sapir to propose that the phoneme is not just an abstraction existing at the structural level of language, but in fact has psychological reality for speakers.
Tillohash became a good friend of Sapir, and visited him at his home in New York and Philadelphia. Sapir worked with his father to transcribe a number of Southern Paiute songs that Tillohash knew. This fruitful collaboration laid the ground work for the classical description of the Southern Paiute language published in 1930, and enabled Sapir to produce conclusive evidence linking the Shoshonean languages to the Nahuan languages – establishing the Uto-Aztecan language family. Sapir's description of Southern Paiute is known by linguistics as ""a model of analytical excellence"".At Pennsylvania, Sapir was urged to work at a quicker pace than he felt comfortable. His ""Grammar of Southern Paiute"" was supposed to be published in Boas' Handbook of American Indian Languages, and Boas urged him to complete a preliminary version while funding for the publication remained available, but Sapir did not want to compromise on quality, and in the end the Handbook had to go to press without Sapir's piece. Boas kept working to secure a stable appointment for his student, and by his recommendation Sapir ended up being hired by the Canadian Geological Survey, who wanted him to lead the institutionalization of anthropology in Canada. Sapir, who by then had given up the hope of working at one of the few American research universities, accepted the appointment and moved to Ottawa.


=== In Ottawa ===
In the years 1910–25 Sapir established and directed the Anthropological Division in the Geological Survey of Canada in Ottawa. When he was hired, he was one of the first full-time anthropologists in Canada. He brought his parents with him to Ottawa, and also quickly established his own family, marrying Florence Delson, who also had Lithuanian Jewish roots. Neither the Sapirs nor the Delsons were in favor of the match.  The Delsons, who hailed from the prestigious Jewish center of Vilna, considered the Sapirs to be rural upstarts and were less than impressed with Sapir's career in an unpronounceable academic field. Edward and Florence had three children together: Herbert Michael, Helen Ruth, and Philip.


==== Canada's Geological Survey ====
As director of the Anthropological division of the Geological Survey of Canada, Sapir embarked on a project to document the Indigenous cultures and languages of Canada. His first fieldwork took him to Vancouver Island to work on the Nootka language. Apart from Sapir the division had two other staff members, Marius Barbeau and Harlan I. Smith. Sapir insisted that the discipline of linguistics was of integral importance for ethnographic description, arguing that just as nobody would dream of discussing the history of the Catholic Church without knowing Latin or study German folksongs without knowing German, so it made little sense to approach the study of Indigenous folklore without knowledge of the indigenous languages. At this point the only Canadian first nation languages that were well known were Kwakiutl, described by Boas, Tshimshian and Haida. Sapir explicitly used the standard of documentation of European languages, to argue that the amassing knowledge of indigenous languages was of paramount importance. By introducing the high standards of Boasian anthropology, Sapir incited antagonism from those amateur ethnologists who felt that they had contributed important work. Unsatisfied with efforts by amateur and governmental anthropologists, Sapir worked to introduce an academic program of anthropology at one of the major universities, in order to professionalize the discipline.Sapir enlisted the assistance of fellow Boasians: Frank Speck, Paul Radin and Alexander Goldenweiser, who with Barbeau worked on the peoples of the Eastern Woodlands: the Ojibwa, the Iroquois, the Huron and the Wyandot. Sapir initiated work on the Athabascan languages of the Mackenzie valley and the Yukon, but it proved too difficult to find adequate assistance, and he concentrated mainly on Nootka and the languages of the North West Coast.During his time in Canada, together with Speck, Sapir also acted as an advocate for Indigenous rights, arguing publicly for introduction of better medical care for Indigenous communities, and assisting the Six Nation Iroquois in trying to recover eleven wampum belts that had been stolen from the reservation and were on display in the museum of the University of Pennsylvania.  (The belts were finally returned to the Iroquois in 1988.) He also argued for the reversal of a Canadian law prohibiting the Potlatch ceremony of the West Coast tribes.


==== Work with Ishi ====

In 1915 Sapir returned to California, where his expertise on the Yana language made him urgently needed. Kroeber had come into contact with Ishi, the last native speaker of the Yahi language, closely related to Yana, and needed someone to document the language urgently. Ishi, who had grown up without contact to whites, was monolingual in Yahi and was the last surviving member of his people. He had been adopted by the Kroebers, but had fallen ill with tuberculosis, and was not expected to live long. Sam Batwi, the speaker of Yana who had worked with Sapir, was unable to understand the Yahi variety, and Krober was convinced that only Sapir would be able to communicate with Ishi. Sapir traveled to San Francisco and worked with Ishi over the summer of 1915, having to invent new methods for working with a monolingual speaker. The information from Ishi was invaluable for understanding the relation between the different dialects of Yana. Ishi died of his illness in early 1916, and Kroeber partly blamed the exacting nature of working with Sapir for his failure to recover. Sapir described the work: ""I think I may safely say that my work with Ishi is by far the most time-consuming and nerve-racking that I have ever undertaken. Ishi's imperturbable good humor alone made the work possible, though it also at times added to my exasperation"".


==== Moving on ====

The First World War took its toll on the Canadian Geological Survey, cutting funding for anthropology and making the academic climate less agreeable. Sapir continued work on Athabascan, working with two speakers of the Alaskan languages Kutchin and Ingalik. Sapir was now more preoccupied with testing hypotheses about historical relationships between the Na-Dene languages than with documenting endangered languages, in effect becoming a theoretician. He was also growing to feel isolated from his American colleagues. From 1912 Florence's health deteriorated due to a lung abscess, and a resulting depression. The Sapir household was largely run by Eva Sapir, who did not get along well with Florence, and this added to the strain on both Florence and Edward. Sapir's parents had by now divorced and his father seemed to suffer from a psychosis, which made it necessary for him to leave Canada for Philadelphia, where Edward continued to support him financially. Florence was hospitalized for long periods both for her depressions and for the lung abscess, and she died in 1924 due to an infection following surgery, providing the final incentive for Sapir to leave Canada. When the University of Chicago offered him a position, he happily accepted.
During his period in Canada, Sapir came into his own as the leading figure in linguistics in North America. Among his substantial publications from this period were his book on Time Perspective in the Aboriginal American Culture (1916), in which he laid out an approach to using historical linguistics to study the prehistory of Native American cultures. Particularly important for establishing him in the field was his seminal book Language (1921), which was a layman's introduction to the discipline of linguistics as Sapir envisioned it. He also participated in the formulation of a report to the American Anthropological Association regarding the standardization of orthographic principles for writing Indigenous languages.
While in Ottawa, he also collected and published French Canadian Folk Songs, and wrote a volume of his own poetry. His interest in poetry led him to form a close friendship with another Boasian anthropologist and poet, Ruth Benedict. Sapir initially wrote to Benedict to commend her for her dissertation on ""The Guardian Spirit"", but soon realized that Benedict had published poetry pseudonymously. In their correspondence the two critiqued each other's work, both submitting to the same publishers, and both being rejected. They also were both interested in psychology and the relation between individual personalities and cultural patterns, and in their correspondences they frequently psychoanalyzed each other. However, Sapir often showed little understanding for Benedict's private thoughts and feelings, and particularly his conservative gender ideology jarred with Benedict's struggles as a female professional academic. Though they were very close friends for a while, it was ultimately the differences in worldview and personality that led their friendship to fray.Before departing Canada, Sapir had a short affair with Margaret Mead, Benedict's protégé at Columbia. But Sapir's conservative ideas about marriage and the woman's role were anathema to Mead, as they had been to Benedict, and as Mead left to do field work in Samoa, the two separated permanently. Mead received news of Sapir's remarriage while still in Samoa, and burned their correspondence there on the beach.


=== Chicago years ===
Settling in Chicago reinvigorated Sapir intellectually and personally. He socialized with intellectuals, gave lectures, participated in poetry and music clubs. His first graduate student at Chicago was Li Fang-Kuei. The Sapir household continued to be managed largely by Grandmother Eva, until Sapir remarried in 1926. Sapir's second wife, Jean Victoria McClenaghan, was sixteen years younger than he. She had first met Sapir when a student in Ottawa, but had since also come to work at the University of Chicago's department of Juvenile Research. Their son Paul Edward Sapir was born in 1928. Their other son J. David Sapir became a linguist and anthropologist specializing in West African Languages, especially Jola languages. Sapir also exerted influence through his membership in the Chicago School of Sociology, and his friendship with psychologist Harry Stack Sullivan.


=== At Yale ===
From 1931 until his death in 1939, Sapir taught at Yale University, where he became the head of the Department of Anthropology. He was invited to Yale to found an interdisciplinary program combining anthropology, linguistics and psychology, aimed at studying ""the impact of culture on personality"". While Sapir was explicitly given the task of founding a distinct anthropology department, this was not well received by the department of sociology who worked by William Graham Sumner's ""Evolutionary sociology"", which was anathema to Sapir's Boasian approach, nor by the two anthropologists of the Institute for Human Relations Clark Wissler and G. P. Murdock. Sapir never thrived at Yale, where as one of only four Jewish faculty members out of 569 he was denied membership to the faculty club where the senior faculty discussed academic business.At Yale, Sapir's graduate students included Morris Swadesh, Benjamin Lee Whorf, Mary Haas, Charles Hockett, and Harry Hoijer, several of whom he brought with him from Chicago. Sapir came to regard a young Semiticist named Zellig Harris as his intellectual heir, although Harris was never a formal student of Sapir. (For a time he dated Sapir's daughter.)  In 1936 Sapir clashed with the Institute for Human Relations over the research proposal by anthropologist Hortense Powdermaker, who proposed a study of the black community of Indianola, Mississippi. Sapir argued that her research should be funded instead of the more sociological work of John Dollard. Sapir eventually lost the discussion and Powdermaker had to leave Yale.In the summer of 1937 while teaching at the Linguistic Institute of the Linguistic Society of America in Ann Arbor, Sapir began having problems with a heart condition that had initially been diagnosed a couple of years earlier.  In 1938, he had to take a leave from Yale, during which Benjamin Lee Whorf taught his courses and G. P. Murdock advised some of his students. After Sapir's death in 1939, G. P. Murdock became the chair of the anthropology department. Murdock, who despised the Boasian paradigm of cultural anthropology, dismantled most of Sapir's efforts to integrate anthropology, psychology, and linguistics.


== Anthropological thought ==
Sapir's anthropological thought has been described as isolated within the field of anthropology in his own days. Instead of searching for the ways in which culture influences human behavior, Sapir was interested in understanding how cultural patterns themselves were shaped by the composition of individual personalities that make up a society. This made Sapir cultivate an interest in individual psychology and his view of culture was more psychological than many of his contemporaries. It has been suggested that there is a close relation between Sapir's literary interests and his anthropological thought. His literary theory saw individual aesthetic sensibilities and creativity to interact with learned cultural traditions to produce unique and new poetic forms, echoing the way that he also saw individuals and cultural patterns to dialectically influence each other.


== Breadth of languages studied ==
Sapir's special focus among American languages was in the Athabaskan languages, a family which especially fascinated him. In a private letter, he wrote: ""Dene is probably the son-of-a-bitchiest language in America to actually know...most fascinating of all languages ever invented."" Sapir also studied the languages and cultures of Wishram Chinook, Navajo, Nootka, Colorado River Numic, Takelma, and Yana. His research on Southern Paiute, in collaboration with consultant Tony Tillohash, led to a 1933 article which would become influential in the characterization of the phoneme.Although noted for his work on American linguistics, Sapir wrote prolifically in linguistics in general. His book Language provides everything from a grammar-typological classification of languages (with examples ranging from Chinese to Nootka) to speculation on the phenomenon of language drift, and the arbitrariness of associations between language, race, and culture. Sapir was also a pioneer in Yiddish studies (his first language) in the United States (cf. Notes on Judeo-German phonology, 1915).
Sapir was active in the international auxiliary language movement. In his paper ""The Function of an International Auxiliary Language"", he argued for the benefits of a regular grammar and advocated a critical focus on the fundamentals of language, unbiased by the idiosyncrasies of national languages, in the choice of an international auxiliary language.
He was the first Research Director of the International Auxiliary Language Association (IALA), which presented the Interlingua conference in 1951. He directed the Association from 1930 to 1931, and was a member of its Consultative Counsel for Linguistic Research from 1927 to 1938. Sapir consulted with Alice Vanderbilt Morris to develop the research program of IALA.


== Selected publications ==


=== Books ===
Sapir, Edward (1907). Herder's ""Ursprung der Sprache"". Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ASIN: B0006CWB2W.
Sapir, Edward (1908). ""On the etymology of Sanskrit asru, Avestan asru, Greek dakru"".  In Modi, Jivanji Jamshedji (ed.). Spiegel memorial volume. Papers on Iranian subjects written by various scholars in honour of the late Dr. Frederic Spiegel. Bombay: British India Press. pp. 156–159.
Sapir, Edward; Curtin, Jeremiah (1909). Wishram texts, together with Wasco tales and myths. E.J. Brill. ISBN 978-0-404-58152-7. ASIN: B000855RIW.
Sapir, Edward (1910). Yana Texts. Berkeley University Press. ISBN 978-1-177-11286-4.
Sapir, Edward (1915). A sketch of the social organization of the Nass River Indians. Ottawa: Government Printing Office.
Sapir, Edward (1915). Noun reduplication in Comox, a Salish language of Vancouver island. Ottawa: Government Printing Office.
Sapir, Edward (1916). Time Perspective in Aboriginal American Culture, A Study in Method. Ottawa: Government Printing Bureau.
Sapir, Edward (1917). Dreams and Gibes. Boston: The Gorham Press. ISBN 978-0-548-56941-2.
Sapir, Edward (1921). Language: An introduction to the study of speech. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company. ISBN 978-4-87187-529-5. ASIN: B000NGWX8I.
Sapir, Edward; Swadesh, Morris (1939). Nootka Texts: Tales and ethnological narratives, with grammatical notes and lexical materials. Philadelphia: Linguistic Society of America. ISBN 978-0-404-11893-8. ASIN: B000EB54JC.
Sapir, Edward (1949).  Mandelbaum, David (ed.). Selected writings in language, culture and personality. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-01115-1. ASIN: B000PX25CS.
Sapir, Edward; Irvine, Judith (2002). The psychology of culture: A course of lectures. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-017282-9.


=== Essays and articles ===
Sapir, Edward (1907). ""Preliminary report on the language and mythology of the Upper Chinook"". American Anthropologist. 9 (3): 533–544. doi:10.1525/aa.1907.9.3.02a00100.
Sapir, Edward (1910). ""Some fundamental characteristics of the Ute language"". Science. 31 (792): 350–352. doi:10.1126/science.31.792.350. PMID 17738737.
Sapir, Edward (1911). ""Some aspects of Nootka language and culture"". American Anthropologist. 13: 15–28. doi:10.1525/aa.1911.13.1.02a00030.
Sapir, Edward (1911). ""The problem of noun incorporation in American languages"". American Anthropologist. 13 (2): 250–282. doi:10.1525/aa.1911.13.2.02a00060.
Sapir, E. (1913). ""Southern Paiute and Nahuatl, a study in Uto-Aztekan"" (PDF). Journal de la Société des Américanistes. 10 (2): 379–425. doi:10.3406/jsa.1913.2866.
Sapir, E. (1915). ""Abnormal Types of Speech in Nootka"" (PDF). Memoir (Geological Survey of Canada). no. 62. doi:10.4095/103492. hdl:2027/uc1.32106013085003.
Sapir, E. (1915). ""Noun Reduplication in Comox, a Salish Language of Vancouver Island"" (PDF). Memoir (Geological Survey of Canada). no. 63. doi:10.4095/103493. hdl:2027/uc2.ark:/13960/t1td9v139.
Sapir, E. (1915). ""A Sketch of the Social Organization of the Nass River Indians"" (PDF). Museum Bulletin (Geological Survey of Canada). no. 19. doi:10.4095/104974. hdl:2027/loc.ark:/13960/t0qr4xq6w.
Sapir, Edward (1915). ""The Na-dene languages: a preliminary report"". American Anthropologist. 17 (3): 765–773. doi:10.1525/aa.1915.17.3.02a00080.
Sapir, E. (1916). ""Time Perspective in Aboriginal American culture: A Study in Method"" (PDF). Memoir (Geological Survey of Canada). no. 90. doi:10.4095/103486. hdl:2027/coo1.ark:/13960/t4xh0677f.
Sapir, Edward (1917). ""Do we need a superorganic?"". American Anthropologist. 19 (3): 441–447. doi:10.1525/aa.1917.19.3.02a00150.
Sapir, E. (1923). ""Prefatory note"" (PDF). Museum Bulletin (Geological Survey of Canada). no. 37: iii. doi:10.4095/104978. hdl:2027/uc1.31822007179245.
Sapir, Edward (1924). ""The grammarian and his language"". The American Mercury (1): 149–155.
Sapir, Edward (1924). ""Culture, Genuine and Spurious"". The American Journal of Sociology. 29 (4): 401–429. doi:10.1086/213616.
Sapir, Edward (1925). ""Memorandum on the problem of an international auxiliary language"". The Romanic Review (16): 244–256.
Sapir, Edward (1925). ""Sound patterns in language"". Language. 1 (2): 37–51. doi:10.2307/409004. JSTOR 409004.
Sapir, Edward (1931). ""The function of an international auxiliary language"". Romanic Review (11): 4–15. Archived from the original on 2009-10-28.
Sapir, Edward (1936). ""Internal linguistic evidence suggestive of the Northern origin of the Navaho"". American Anthropologist. 38 (2): 224–235. doi:10.1525/aa.1936.38.2.02a00040.
Sapir, Edward (1944). ""Grading: a study in semantics"". Philosophy of Science. 11 (2): 93–116. doi:10.1086/286828.
Sapir, Edward (1947). ""The relation of American Indian linguistics to general linguistics"". Southwestern Journal of Anthropology. 3 (1): 1–4. doi:10.1086/soutjanth.3.1.3628530.


=== Biographies ===
Koerner, E. F. K.; Koerner, Konrad (1985). Edward Sapir: Appraisals of his life and work. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. ISBN 978-90-272-4518-2.
Cowan, William; Foster, Michael K.; Koerner, Konrad (1986). New perspectives in language, culture, and personality: Proceedings of the Edward Sapir Centenary Conference (Ottawa, 1–3 October 1984). Amsterdam: John Benjamins. ISBN 978-90-272-4522-9.
Darnell, Regna (1989). Edward Sapir: linguist, anthropologist, humanist. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-06678-6.
Sapir, Edward; Bright, William (1992). Southern Paiute and Ute: linguistics and ethnography. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-013543-5.
Sapir, Edward; Darnell, Regna; Irvine, Judith T.; Handler, Richard (1999). The collected works of Edward Sapir: culture. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-012639-6.


=== Correspondence ===
Sapir, Edward; Kroeber, Alfred L.; Golla (ed.), Victor (1984). ""The Sapir–Kroeber correspondence: Letters between Edward Sapir and A.L. Kroeber 1905–1925"" (PDF). Reports from the Survey of California and Other Indian Languages. 6: 1–509.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)


== References ==


== External links ==
National Academy of Sciences biography
Robert Throop and Lloyd Gordon Ward: Mead Project 2.0 at spartan.ac.brocku.ca
Interlingua: Communication Sin Frontiera. Biographia, Edward Sapir
Works by Edward Sapir at Project Gutenberg
Works by or about Edward Sapir at Internet Archive
Works by Edward Sapir at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)"
Diamond Jenness,1939,"Diamond Jenness,  (February 10, 1886, Wellington, New Zealand – November 29, 1969, Chelsea, Quebec, Canada) was one of Canada's greatest early scientists and a pioneer of Canadian anthropology.


== Biography ==

Jenness graduated from the University of New Zealand (from the constituent college then called Victoria University College) (B.A. 1907; M.A. 1908), and Balliol College, University of Oxford (Diploma in Anthropology, 1910; B.A. 1911; M.A. 1916). From 1911 to 1912 he was Oxford Scholar on the D'Entrecasteaux Islands in eastern Papua New Guinea, studying a little-known group of aboriginal people.Jenness then served as an ethnologist with the Canadian Arctic Expedition from 1913 to 1916 under the leadership of both Vilhjalmur Stefansson and Dr Rudolph M. Anderson. His detailed studies of the Copper Inuit, sometimes called the Blond Eskimos, around Coronation Gulf, and of other Arctic native people, helped establish him. Although most of his time thereafter was devoted to Indian studies (and administrative duties), he soon identified two very important prehistoric Eskimo cultures: the Dorset culture in Canada (in 1925) and the Old Bering Sea culture in Alaska (in 1926), for which he later was named ""Father of Eskimo Archaeology.""In 1926, Jenness succeeded Canada's first Chief Anthropologist, Dr. Edward Sapir, as Chief of Anthropology at the National Museum of Canada, a position he retained until his retirement in 1948. During the intervening years, although hampered by the Great Depression and World War II, he sought to expand the National Museum's exhibits, anthropological collections, and reputation, as well as to improve the recognition, understanding, and living conditions of Canada's native peoples. In 1939 he became president of the American Anthropological Association.In 1941, eager to contribute to the war effort, he was seconded to the Royal Canadian Air Force, where he served until 1944 as civilian Deputy Director of Special Intelligence. In 1944 he was made Chief of a newly established Inter-Services Topographic Department in the Canadian Department of National Defence, the non-military section of which in 1947 became the Geographic Bureau and subsequently the Geographic Branch in the Department of Mines and Resources. He retired in April 1948.
Between 1920 and 1970, Jenness authored more than 100 works on Canada's Inuit and First Nations people. Chief among these are his scholarly government report, Life of the Copper Eskimos (published 1922), his ever-popular account of two years with the Copper Inuit, The People of the Twilight (published 1928), his definitive and durable The Indians of Canada (published 1932 and now in its seventh edition), and four scholarly reports on Eskimo Administration in Alaska, Canada, Labrador, and Greenland, plus a fifth report providing an analysis and overview of the four government systems (published between 1962 and 1968). He also published a popular account of the one year (1913 to 1914) he spent among the Inupiat of Northern Alaska, Dawn in Arctic Alaska (published 1957 and 1985).
In 1953 Jenness was awarded a Guggenheim Fellowship. In 1962, Jenness was awarded the Massey Medal by the Royal Canadian Geographical Society, and in 1968 he was made a Companion of the Order of Canada. Between 1935 and 1968, he was awarded five honorary doctorate degrees. In 1973 the Canadian government designated him a Person of National Historic Significance and in the same year the Diamond Jenness Secondary School in Hay River was named after him. In 1978 the Canadian Government named the middle peninsula on the west coast of Victoria Island for him, and in 2004 his name was used for a rock examined by the Mars exploration rover Opportunity.
Nansi Swayze published a brief popular account about Jenness' life in The Man Hunters (1960). Barnett Richling has, since 1989, published several scholarly articles on various aspects of Jenness' life. In Twilight and in Dawn: A Biography of Diamond Jenness written by Barnett Richling was published in 2012 by McGill-Queen's University Press.


== Canadian Arctic Expedition ==
In 1913, Jenness was asked to join the government-funded Canadian Arctic Expedition that was led by two Arctic explorers - Vilhjalmur Stefansson and R.M. Anderson. He would be one of the two ethnologists on board; the other was Henri Beuchat. In June of that year Jenness boarded the vessel Karluk and sailed towards the Bering Strait and then to the Beaufort Sea.In the fall of 1913 the ship became locked in the ice and was taken westward to the East Siberian Sea, it was the crushed in the ice at Wrangel Island. Thirteen of the crew perished on board (including Henri Beuchat)- Jenness was one of the six who had not been on the ship because they left to take part in a caribou hunt for the crew.With the ship gone, the hunting party travelled to Barrow, Alaska to meet up the two other vessels involved in the expedition- the Mary Sachs and Alaska. Jenness spent the winter at Harrison Bay, Alaska where he learned how to speak the Inuit language and compiled information about Western Inuit customs and folklore. In 1914 he partook on what the expedition was set out for, to study the Copper Inuit of Victoria Island. This group of people had very little contact with Europeans and Jenness was in charge of recording the aboriginal way of life in this area.In this he was assisted by Patsy Klengenberg, son of trader Christian Klengenberg, who acted as interpreter.

He spent two years with the Copper Inuit people and lived as an adopted son of a hunter named Ikpukhuak and his shaman wife Higalik (name meaning Ice House). During that time he hunted and travelled with his ""family"", sharing both their festivities and their famine. By living with these two people and partaking in everyday experiences Jenness did something that was not that popular at the time - living with the people in which he did fieldwork on.""I had observed their reactions to every season, the disbanding of the tribes and their reassembling, the migrations from sea to land, fishing to hunting, and then to sealing again. All these changes caused by their economic environment I had seen and studied""Jenness recorded hundreds of drum dance songs, poems, legends, and stories of ""The Copper Inuit of Coronation Gulf"" on wax phonographic cylinders. Scholars have recognized this compilation of information as ""the most comprehensive description of a single Inuit tribe ever written.There was a flood of publications by Jenness from 1923–1928 and two others in 1944 and 1946 that were centered on Reports of the Canadian Arctic Expedition. These publications included The People of the Twilight (1928), Canadian Arctic Expedition:  Folklore Parts A and B, Eskimo Language and Technology, The Eskimos of northern Alaska: A Study in the Effect of Civilization, Eskimo String Figures, and Eskimo music in northern Alaska.In 1968 Jenness wrote five volumes that were published by the Arctic Institute of North America that were about government policies toward the Inuit of Alaska, Canada, and Greenland.He also named archaeological evidence found of prehistoric Inuit cultures the Dorset and Old Bering Sea cultures. These archaeological finds were fundamental in explaining migration patterns, Jenness view on the migration patterns were thought to be ""radical"" at the time because there was no Carbon-14 dating present.


=== Copper Inuit subgroups studied by Jenness ===
Several subgroups were reported on by Jenness and they include:
Akuliakattagmiut
Haneragmiut
Kogluktogmiut
Pallirmiut
Puiplirmiut
Uallirgmiut (Kanianermiut)


== Origin of the Copper Eskimos and Their Copper Culture ==
Within this article Jenness describes how the Copper Inuit are more closely related to tribes of the east and southeast in comparison to western cultural groups. This reasoning is based upon archaeological remains, materials used for housing, weapons, utensils, art, tattoos, customs, traditions, religion, and also linguistic patterns. How the dead are handled is also an aspect of comparison- whether they are covered by stone or wood, or left uncovered.Within the second half of the article it is assessed whether or not the use of copper arose independently with different cultural groups or did it arise in one and was then ""borrowed"" by others. Jenness goes onto explain that indigenous communities began to use copper first and following this, Inuit adopted it. This reasoning was reached through the understanding that slate was previously used among Inuit and was replaced by copper at a later time than the advent of when indigenous communities began to use it.It is also stated that the ""Copper Eskimos"" are in a pseudo-metal stage, in between the Stone and Iron Ages because this cultural group treats copper as simply a malleable stone which is hammered into tools and weapons.The work of Diamond Jenness contributed significantly to the understanding of how migration patterns influence cultural practices and the transitions from one culture into another.


== See also ==
List of wolf attacks in North America
Uloqsaq
String figure


== Further reading ==
The following books were both published by the Canadian Museum of History:

Arctic Odyssey: Diary of Diamond Jenness, 1913–1916 Jenness' detailed diary while he was with the Canadian Arctic Expedition. It was edited by his son Stuart and published in 1991.
Through Darkening Spectacles: Memoirs of Diamond Jenness (2008). In this book, Stuart Jenness augmented Jenness' last manuscript into a quasi-biography.


== References ==


== External links ==
Diamond Jenness archived at Natural Resources Canada
People of the Canadian Arctic Expedition
'Diamond Jenness': After the Grind
Bio sketch by Henry B. Collins and William E. Taylor, Jr.
Works by or about Diamond Jenness at Internet Archive
The Papers of Diamond Jenness at Dartmouth College Library"
John M. Cooper (anthropologist),1940,
Elsie Clews Parsons,1941,"Elsie Worthington Clews Parsons (November 27, 1875 – December 19, 1941) was an American anthropologist, sociologist, folklorist, and feminist who studied Native American tribes—such as the Tewa and Hopi—in Arizona, New Mexico, and Mexico. She helped found The New School. She was associate editor for The Journal of American Folklore (1918–1941), president of the American Folklore Society (1919–1920), president of the American Ethnological Society (1923–1925), and was elected the first female president of the American Anthropological Association (1941) right before her death.She earned her bachelor's degree from Barnard College in 1896. She received her master’s degree (1897) and Ph.D. (1899) from Columbia University.Every other year, the American Ethnological Society awards the Elsie Clews Parsons Prize for the best graduate student essay, in her honor.


== Biography ==
Parsons was the daughter of Henry Clews, a wealthy New York banker, and Lucy Madison Worthington. Her brother, Henry Clews Jr., was an artist. On September 1, 1900, in Newport, Rhode Island, she married future three-term progressive Republican congressman Herbert Parsons, an associate and political ally of President Teddy Roosevelt. When her husband was a member of Congress, she published two then-controversial books under the pseudonym John Main.Parsons became interested in anthropology in 1910. She believed that folklore was a key to understanding a culture and that anthropology could be a vehicle for social change.Her work Pueblo Indian Religion is considered a classic; here she gathered all her previous extensive work and that of other authors. It is, however, marred by intrusive and deceptive research techniques.She is, however, pointed to by current critical scholars as an archetypical example of an ""Antimodern Feminist"" thinker, known for their infatuation with Native American Indians that often manifested as a desire to preserve a ""traditional"" and ""pure"" Indian identity, irrespective of how Native Peoples themselves approached issues of modernization or cultural change. Scholars Sandy Grande and Margaret D. Jacobs argue that her racist and objectivizing tendencies towards indigenous peoples of the Americas are evidenced, for example, by her willingness to change her name and appropriate a Hopi identity primarily to increase her access to research sites and participants.


== Feminist Ideas ==
Parsons feminist beliefs were viewed as extremely radical for her time. She was a proponent of trial marriages, divorce by mutual consent and access to reliable contraception, which she wrote about in her book The Family (1906). She also wrote about the effects society had on the growth of individuals, and more precisely the effect of gender role expectations and how they stifle individual growth for both women and men. The Family (1906) was met with such back-lash she published her second book Religious Chastity (1913) under the pseudonym ""John Main"" as to not affect her husband, Herbert Parsons political career. Her ideas where so far ahead that only after her death did they begin to be discussed. This has led to her becoming recognized as one of the early pioneers of the feminist movement. Her writings and her lifestyle challenged conventional gender roles at the time and helped spark the conversation for gender equality.


== Works ==


=== Early works of sociology ===
The Family (1906)
Religious Chastity (1913)
The Old-Fashioned Woman (1913)
Fear and Conventionality (1914)
Parsons, Elsie Clews (1997). Fear and Conventionality. University Of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-64746-3.
Social Freedom (1915)
Social Rule (1916)


=== Anthropology ===
The Social Organization of the Tewa of New Mexico (1929)
Hopi and Zuni Ceremonialism (1933)
Pueblo Indian Religion (1939)


=== Ethnographies ===
Mitla: Town of the Souls (1936)
Peguche (1945)


=== Research in folklore ===
Folk-Lore from the Cape Verde Islands (1923)
Folk-Lore of the Sea Islands, S.C. (1924)
Micmac Folklore (1925)
Folk-Lore of the Antilles, French and English (3v., 1933–1943)


=== Reprints ===
Parsons, Elsie Clews (1992). North American Indian Life: Customs and Traditions of 23 Tribes. Dover Publications. ISBN 978-0-486-27377-8.
Parsons, Elsie Clews (1996). Taos Tales. Dover Publications. ISBN 978-0-486-28974-8.
Parsons, Elsie Clews (1994). Tewa Tales. University of Arizona Press. ISBN 978-0-8165-1452-6.
Parsons, Elsie Clews (1996). Pueblo Indian Religion. 2 vols. Introductions by Ramon Gutierrez and Pauline Turner Strong. Bison Books reprint.  Lincoln and London:  University of Nebraska Press.


== See also ==
Ruth Benedict
Franz Boas
Cape Verdean Creole
Château de la Napoule
History of feminism
List of Barnard College people
Zora Neale Hurston
Mabel Dodge Luhan
Margaret Mead
Pueblo clown
Taos Pueblo


== References ==


== Further reading ==
Poling-Kempes, Lesley (2015). Ladies of the Canyons A League of Extraordinary Women and Their Adventures in the American Southwest. University of Arizona Press. ISBN 978-0-8165-2494-5.
Adams, William Y. (2016-09-02). The Boasians: Founding Fathers and Mothers of American Anthropology. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 978-0-7618-6803-3.
Deacon, Desley (1999). Elsie Clews Parsons: Inventing Modern Life. University Of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0-226-13908-1.
Hare, Peter H. (1985). A Woman's Quest for Science: A Portrait of Anthropologist Elsie Clews Parsons. Prometheus Books. ISBN 978-0-87975-274-3.
Spier, Leslie; Kroeber, A. L. (1943). ""Elsie Clews Parsons"". American Anthropologist. 45 (2): 244–255. doi:10.1525/aa.1943.45.2.02a00090. ISSN 0002-7294. JSTOR 663274.
Zumwalt, Rosemary Lévy (1992). Wealth and Rebellion: Elsie Clews Parsons, Anthropologist and Folklorist. University of Illinois Press. ISBN 978-0-252-01909-8.


== External links ==
Elsie Clews Parsons Papers at the American Philosophical Society
Elsie Clews Parsons, The Journal of a Feminist by Professor Catherine Lavender, City University of New York
Elsie Clews Parsons, Minnesota State University, Mankato
Stacy A. Cordery. ""Review of Desley Deacon, Elsie Clews Parsons: Inventing Modern Life,"" H-Women, H-Net Reviews, November, 1998.
Working Woman by Tanya Luhrmann, The New York Times"
A.V. Kidder,1942,"Alfred Vincent Kidder (October 29, 1885 – June 11, 1963) was an American archaeologist considered the foremost of the southwestern United States and Mesoamerica during the first half of the 20th century. He saw a disciplined system of archaeological techniques as a means to extend the principles of anthropology into the prehistoric past and so was the originator of the first comprehensive, systematic approach to North American archaeology.


== Early life ==
Born in Marquette, Michigan, Kidder was the son of a mining engineer.  He entered Harvard College with the intention of qualifying for medical school, but found himself uninspired by premedical courses. He applied for a summer job in archaeology with the University of Utah in 1907. Kidder spent two successive summers in the mesa and canyon country of southwestern Colorado, southeastern Utah and areas of New Mexico. Kidder and Jesse L. Nusbaum (later Superintendent of Mesa Verde National Park), came to the Mesa Verde area with ethnologist Jesse Walter Fewkes to conduct an archaeological survey and to photograph ruins.  He obtained his bachelor's degree at Harvard in 1908 and a doctorate in anthropology in 1914.


== Archaeological career ==
Kidder then embarked on a series of expeditions to the Southwest, many in northeastern Arizona. These expeditions were sponsored by Harvard’s Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology and the associated Robert S. Peabody Museum of Archaeology at Phillips Academy in Andover, Massachusetts.
From 1915 to 1929, Kidder conducted site excavations at an abandoned pueblo near Pecos, New Mexico, now the Pecos National Historical Park. He excavated levels of human occupation at the pueblo going back more than 2000 years, and gathered a detailed record of cultural artifacts, including a large collection of pottery fragments and human remains. From these items, he was able to establish a continuous record of pottery styles from 2000 years ago to the mid-to-late 19th century. Kidder then analyzed trends and changes in pottery styles in association with changes in the Pecos people’s culture and established a basic chronology for the Southwest. With Samuel J. Guernsey, he established the validity of a chronological approach to cultural periods. Kidder asserted that deductions about the development of human culture could be obtained through a systematic examination of stratigraphy and chronology in archaeological sites.  This research laid the foundation for modern archaeological field methods, shifting the emphasis from a ""gentlemanly adventure"" adding items such as whole pots and cliff dwellings to museum coffers to the study of potsherds and other artifacts in relation to the cultural history. Pioneering archaeologists in other regions of the United States completed the transformation of professional methodology initiated by Kidder.
His Introduction to the Study of Southwestern Archaeology, published in 1924, was the first synthesis of North American prehistory based on professionally recovered empirical data. In spite of his efforts at documentation, Kidder’s conclusions have sometimes been criticized for a lack of integration between his field reports and his later synthesis and interpretation of that data. However, Kidder clearly emphasized archaeology's need for a scientific ""eye"" in the development of fact collecting techniques and clear definitions.
In the late 1920s, Kidder started the Pecos Conferences for archaeologists and ethnologists working in the American southwest. In 1927, a temporal system of nomenclature, known as the Pecos Classification System, was established for use in southwestern sites.  Archaeologists have since used the sequence, with later variations, to assign approximate dates to dozens of sites throughout the Southwest and to determine cultural ties and differences among them. The same year he was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. In 1936, Kidder formally used the Navajo term ""Anasazi"" to define a specific cultural group of people living in the southwest between approximately 200 BC and 1300 AD. This term had been casually used by excavators for many of the ""ancient people"" since the early explorations of Richard Wetherill, and had been informally used in the work of the Pecos Conferences.
As an associate in charge of archaeological investigations (1927–1929) and as chairman of the division of historical research (1929–1950) at the Carnegie Institution, Kidder conducted a broad-scale multidisciplinary research program in Kaminaljuyu in the Guatemalan highlands which established the framework of Maya stratigraphy. In 1939 he became honorary curator of Southwestern American archaeology at the Peabody Museum, Harvard.
In 1951, Kidder, in discussions with Thomas Stuart Ferguson and Gordon Willey of Harvard University, was instrumental in establishing a foundation dealing with the status of archaeology in Mexico and Central America.  In regard to those discussions, Ferguson wrote that the three scholars agreed “...it was unfortunate that so little work was being carried on in so important an area and that something should be done to increase explorations and excavations....Despite the amazing discoveries made between 1930 and 1950, work on the Pre-Classic was virtually at a standstill in 1951. The result of the discussion was that we agreed to set up a new organization to be devoted to the Pre-Classic civilizations of Mexico and Central America—the earliest known high cultures of the New World.”  The following year, the New World Archaeological Foundation (NWAF) was incorporated in California, as a nonprofit, scientific, fact-finding body.


== Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation ==
During Kidder’s studies and excavations at Pecos Pueblo, particularly between 1915 and 1929, pottery and other artifacts were sent to the Robert S. Peabody Museum, Andover, Massachusetts, while excavated human remains were sent to the Peabody Museum at Harvard. In the early 20th century, no archaeologist consulted with Native American descendants concerning the excavation of their ancestors' homes and graves. Although Kidder was aware of the long-standing relationship between the abandoned Pecos Pueblo and the modern Pueblo of Jemez, he did not consider that any local population had a claim on artifacts and remains.
By a 1936 Act of Congress, the Pueblo of Jemez became the legal and administrative representative of the Pueblo of Pecos, which had been privately owned during Kidder’s excavation. As a consequence of The Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA), which requires federal and other museum facilities to inventory, establish cultural affiliations, and publish in the Federal Register any and all Native American human remains and certain objects in their possession, the Pueblo of Jemez made a formal claim on behalf of the Pecos people. This repatriation was primarily due to the efforts of William J. Whatley, the Jemez Pueblo tribal archaeologist, who searched through museum records for these remains and artifacts for eight years. The human remains from Kidder’s excavations were returned to the Jemez people in 1999 and ritually reburied at Pecos National Historic Park. In a sense, they rejoined Kidder, as he is buried on a hillside not far away, close to Pecos Pueblo.


== Family life ==
Although her name rarely occurred on publications, Kidder's wife Madeleine worked as an archaeologist alongside her husband. Kidder's grandson, T.R. Kidder is a noted archaeologist of the southeastern United States.


== Publications ==
Kidder, A. V. (2000) [1924]. Introduction to the Study of Southwestern Archaeology (Online book). Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-08345-3.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link) – regarded as the first comprehensive archaeological study of a New World area
Kidder, A. V. & Amsden, Charles Avery (1931). 5 The Pottery of Pecos. Papers of the Southwestern expedition. I The dull-paint wares. Yale University Press / Oxford University Press.
Kidder, A. V. (1936). 7 The Pottery of Pecos. Papers of the Southwestern expedition. II The glaze-paint, culinary, and other wares. Anna Osler Shepard The technology of Pecos pottery. Yale University Press / Oxford University Press.
Kidder, A. V. (1932). 6 The Artifacts of Pecos. Papers of the Southwestern expedition. Yale University Press / Oxford University Press.
Kidder, A. V. (1958). 6 Pecos, New Mexico: archaeological notes. Papers of the Robert S. Peabody Foundation for Archaeology. Phillips Academy.
Kidder, Alfred V. (1918). Reprints from the Journal of the Archaeological Institute of America and other papers. i Explorations in southwestern Utah in 1908 ii Notes on the pottery of Pecos iii Pottery of the Pajarito plateau and of some adjacent regions of New Mexico iv Prehistoric cultures of the San Juan drainage. Archaeological Institute of America.
Kidder, Alfred V.; Jennings, Jesse D. & Shook, Edwin M. (1946). Excavations at Kaminaljuyu, Guatemala. with technological notes by Anna Osler Shepard. Carnegie Institution of Washington.


== Notes ==


== References ==

Flint, Richard; Shirley Cushing Flint (n.d.). ""Alfred V. Kidder"". New Mexico Digital History Project. New Mexico Office of the State Historian. Archived from the original on 2011-07-18. Retrieved 2007-11-21.
Patterson, Thomas Carl (2001). A Social History of Anthropology in the United States. Oxford; New York: Berg. ISBN 978-1-85973-489-6. OCLC 48551832.
Woodbury, Richard B. (1973). Alfred V. Kidder. New York: Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-03485-2. OCLC 447403.


== External links ==
Biography - Minnesota State University, Mankato
National Academy of Sciences Biographical Memoir"
Leslie Spier,1943,"Leslie Spier (December 13, 1893 – December 3, 1961) was an American anthropologist best known for his ethnographic studies of American Indians. He spent a great deal of his professional life as a teacher; he retired in 1955 and died in 1961.Spier created a path for the study of cultural change, taking the time to conduct in-depth studies of group contact. His studies focused on changes throughout various cultures over time; he saw great importance in empirical research and made his reports as detailed as possible. Spier’s early years were spent studying the many diverse areas of anthropology ranging from archaeology to physical anthropology. His main interests were studying human relations and analyzing cultural processes among Native American groups. As a teacher, Spier was greatly admired by his students because he was extremely successful in passing along his methodological techniques for gathering exact data. Spier is remembered best for his explanatory studies and widespread fieldwork of cultural groups.   Spier continued his research using his personal methodology right to his death in 1961.


== Background ==
Leslie Spier was born in New York City, New York on December 13, 1893. He was one of four children born to Simon P. Spier and Bertha Adler Spier. In 1920, Spier married Erna Gunther; Gunther was a fellow anthropology student at Columbia University. After graduating and receiving their degrees, Spier earned his Ph.D. while Gunther received her Masters, the newly married couple moved to the University of Washington. The couple had two children, Robert and Christopher.  In 1927, Spier and Gunther separated, divorcing a few years later in 1931. In the same year following his divorce, Spier remarried; his new wife Anna H. Gayton was also anthropologist.During his childhood and teenage years, he received his education through the New York public school system. As an undergraduate, he attended the College of the City of New York, graduating in 1915 with a Bachelor of Science degree in engineering. Despite earning a degree in engineering, he had developed a strong interest in anthropology and was accepted into graduate school at Columbia University; he graduated with a doctorate in anthropology in 1920.    His years at Columbia would prove be extremely fulfilling, allowing him to study under the famous anthropologist Franz Boas. Boas was a strong influence on Spier; the techniques and methods he learned guided Spier’s anthropological work throughout his entire career.


== Employment history ==
Spier began his career in the field of anthropology before he had acquired a college degree. In 1913, he was assigned to be an assistant anthropologist with the New Jersey Archaeological and Geological Survey. While studying at Columbia as a graduate student (1916–1920), he was employed as an assistant anthropologist at the American Museum of Natural History.
After graduating with his Ph.D. in 1920, Spier began his teaching career, which he continued until his retirement in 1955. He taught at many institutions throughout his career, staying the longest at the University of Washington (1920–1929), Yale University (1933–1939), and the University of New Mexico (1939–1955). He taught at several other universities as well including the University of Oklahoma (1927–1929), the University of Chicago (1928 and 1930), and Harvard University (1939 and 1949). In addition, Spier was a visiting professor for summer courses at Columbia University (1921, 1923, 1925, and 1932), the University of California, Berkeley (1924, 1925, 1927, 1932, 1933, and 1948), and at the University of California, Los Angeles (1947).Spier, along with Melville Jacobs, was responsible for creating the anthropology department at the University of Washington.  In 1945, while at the University of New Mexico, Spier founded the Southwestern Journal of Anthropology; by this time, the university was employing six faculty members in the anthropology department.


== Research ==
Early in his career, Spier was involved in many research projects in the Northeast United States including in his home state of New York, and in New Jersey and Delaware. In the time period between 1916 and 1935, Spier dedicated at least part of every year to field research. He was a research assistant at Yale University in 1932 and 1933 and at the University of California from 1960 to 1961.  The greater part of Spier’s research involved detailed investigations into the life and cultures of Native American groups—Zuni, Klamath, Havasupai, Wishram, Kiowa, and various others. He was interested in analyzing the origins and distributions of these groups across North America. His research led to many important discoveries for the application of anthropology, first in archaeology and later in ethnology.


== Archaeology ==
Even though Spier’s main research focus was in ethnology, he started his career in anthropology through archaeological studies. Spier, along with other archaeologists such as Nels Nelson, Clark Wissler, and A. R. Kroeber, created new seriation-based chronologies for the American Southwest.   In 1918, during his time working with the New Jersey Archaeological and Geological study, he published one of his most important works in archaeology—The Trenton Argillite Culture.   From the collected data on the ""argillite culture,"" Spier determined that this culture did not exist. He combined his knowledge of statistical analysis with the archaeological deposits, concluding that the artifacts were present due to natural geological changes in the area.Another well known archaeological publication by Spier concerns the Zuni; in his research with Zuni groups, Spier demonstrated his use of seriation to chronologically order site deposits. In conjunction with Kidder’s seriation, Kroeber’s ranking and concurrent variation, and Nelson’s stratigraphy, Spier was helping develop fundamental methods in archaeological theory that are used to this day.   Through use of these procedures, Spier was able to determine that the Zuni culture was a continuation of the earliest cultures of the same area.


== Ethnology ==
Spier’s main anthropological interest was ethnographic studies, especially of American Indians. His favorite ethnological courses to teach were those concentrated on the Southwest, the Great Basin, the Plains, and California.  Spier’s previous anthropological experience made him well-suited for ethnographic studies; he completely immersed himself in the culture he was studying, acquiring the language, learning cultural customs, and bringing a new awareness to an otherwise unknown group of people. He conducted many ethnographic studies among Native American populations; for Spier, it was crucial to gain knowledge and evidence about these cultures before they became extinct.  From the 1910s to the 1930s, he studied Zuni, Havasupai, Kiowa, Wichita, Wishram, Klamath, and numerous other groups. Spier’s personal interest in gathering firsthand knowledge of American Indian cultures shaped his place in the ethnographic world.  His interest in Native American cultures led him all across the United States, but a majority of his research is based in the western areas of the country from California to the Great Basin, and everywhere in between.  Spier studied extensively on the complex ceremonial sun dance performed by the Plains Indians. He looked closely into the lifestyles of the native cultures, taking detailed inventory of housing, clothing, economy, etc., and created a detailed account of how the cultural system worked and prospered.  Spier’s ethnographic studies went far beyond descriptions; he frequently compared the cultural systems over a surrounding area in order to gain a deeper understanding of the people he was studying.


== Awards and honors ==
In 1919, Columbia University awarded Spier the Cutting Travelling Fellowship; in 1923, Spier was awarded a National Research Council Fellowship. Spier was presented with the Townsend Harris Medal in 1946 and the Viking Fund Medal and Award in 1960. Throughout his career, Spier was affiliated with many professional and honorary societies. He was president of the American Anthropological Association in 1943, American Anthropologist editor from 1934 to 1938, and vice-president of the American Association for the Advancement of Science in 1943 and 1946. He first became a member of the National Academy of Sciences in 1946; in the same year, he became part of the American Philosophical Society. In 1960, he became an Honorary Fellow of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. He was also recognized as a member of the Andean Institute, the Society for American Folklore, and Sigma Xi.


== Selected works ==
Spier, Leslie. An Outline for a Chronology of Zuni Ruins. New York City: The Trustees of Columbia University, 1917.
Spier, Leslie. The Trenton Argillite Culture. New York City: The Trustees of Columbia University, 1918.
Spier, Leslie. Ruins in the White Mountains, Arizona. New York City: The Trustees of Columbia University, 1919.
Spier, Leslie. Notes on the Kiowa Sun Dance. New York City: The Trustees of Columbia University, 1921.
Spier, Leslie. The Sun Dance of the Plains Indians: Its Development and Diffusion. New York City: The Trustees of Columbia University, 1921.
Spier, Leslie. The Distribution of Kinship Systems in North America''. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1925.
Spier, Leslie. The Ghost Dance of 1870 Among the Klamath of Oregon. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1927
Spier, Leslie. Havasupai Ethnography. New York City: The Trustees of Columbia University, 1928.
Spier, Leslie. Growth of Japanese Children Born in America and in Japan. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1929.
Spier, Leslie and Sapir, Edward. Wishram Ethnography. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1930.
Spier, Leslie. Plains Indian Parfleche Designs. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1931.
Spier, Leslie. Yuman Tribes of the Gila River. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1933.
Spier, Leslie. Cultural Relations of the Gila River and Lower Colorado Tribes. Yale University: Yale University Press, Department of the Social Sciences, 1936.
Spier, Leslie, Riley, Carroll L., Taylor, Walter W. eds. American Historical Anthropology: Essays in Honor of Leslie Spier. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1967.


== References ==


== External links ==
Works by Leslie Spier at Project Gutenberg
Works by or about Leslie Spier at Internet Archive
http://www.unm.edu/~anthro/history.html
http://depts.washington.edu/anthweb/
https://web.archive.org/web/20110516104803/http://www.unm.edu/~jar/v65n1.html
http://www.enotes.com/twentieth-century-criticism/boas-franz/leslie-spier-essay-date-1959
https://web.archive.org/web/20100731024658/http://www.unm.edu/~jar/CrisisEd.html
http://www.jstor.org/stable/83674
Spier (Leslie) Papers 1924–1961 and Leslie Spier papers, 1920–1939 at The Bancroft Library"
Robert Redfield,1944,"Robert Redfield (December 4, 1897 – October 16, 1958) was an American anthropologist and ethnolinguist, whose ethnographic work in Tepoztlán, Mexico is considered a landmark of Latin American ethnography. He was associated with the University of Chicago for his entire career: all of his higher education took place there, and he joined the faculty in 1927 and remained there until his death in 1958, serving as Dean of Social Sciences from 1934–1946.


== Career ==
In 1923 he and his wife Margaret traveled to Mexico, where he met Manuel Gamio, a Mexican anthropologist who had studies with Franz Boas. Redfield graduated from the University of Chicago with a degree in Communication Studies, eventually with a J.D. from its law school and then a Ph.D. in cultural anthropology, which he began to teach in 1927. After a series of published field studies from Mexican communities (Tepoztlán in Morelos and Chan Kom in Yucatán), in 1953 he published The Primitive World and its Transformation and in 1956, Peasant Society and Culture. Moving further into a broader synthesis of disciplines, Redfield embraced a forum for interdisciplinary thought that included archeology, anthropological linguistics, physical anthropology, cultural anthropology, and ethnology.
Redfield wrote in 1955 about his own experience doing research in Latin America on peasants. As he did research, he realized he had been trained to treat the society as an isolated culture. However, he found people were involved with trade, and there were connections between villages and states. More than that, the village culture was not bounded. Beliefs and practices were not isolated. Redfield realized it did not make sense to study people as isolated units, but rather it would be better to understand a broader perspective. Traditionally, anthropologists studied folk ways in the ""little tradition"", taking into account broader civilization, the ""great tradition"". He was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1950.


== Personal life ==
Redfield was the son-in-law of University of Chicago sociologist Robert E. Park. Redfield and his wife Margaret were the parents of Lisa Redfield Peattie, Professor Emerita at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology; James M. Redfield, a professor of classics at the University of Chicago; and Joanna Redfield Gutmann (1930–2009). Another son, Robert (called Tito), died at the age of twelve from injuries suffered in a sledding accident.
Redfield died in October 1958 from complications of lymphatic leukemia.The papers of Robert Redfield and Margaret Redfield are located at the Special Collections Research Center, University of Chicago Library.


== Published works ==
Redfield's published works include:

Tepoztlan, a Mexican village: A study in folk life Chicago: University of Chicago Press. (1930)
Folk Cultures of the Yucatán. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. (1948)
""The primitive world and its transformations 1953"", Cornell University Press Ithaca, N.Y. (1953)
The Role of Cities in Economic Development and Cultural Change Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. (1954)
The little community. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. (1956)
Talk with a Stranger. Stamford, Connecticut: Overbrook Press. (1958)


== See also ==
Fei Xiaotong
Melville J. Herskovits
Katherine Dunham


== References ==


== External links ==
Works by or about Robert Redfield in libraries (WorldCat catalog)
Guide to the Robert Redfield Papers 1917-1958 at the University of Chicago Special Collections Research Center"
Neil Judd,1945,"Neil Merton Judd (October 27, 1887 – December 19, 1976) was an American archaeologist who studied under both Byron Cummings and Edgar Lee Hewett. He was the long-term curator of archaeology at the United States National Museum, part of the Smithsonian Institution. He is noted for his discovery and excavation of ruins left by the Ancestral Pueblo People (also known as Anasazi) of the Four Corners area, especially sites located within Chaco Canyon, a region located within the now-arid San Juan Basin of northwestern New Mexico. He headed the first federally backed archeological expeditions sent to Chaco Canyon, excavating the key ruins of Pueblo Bonito and Pueblo del Arroyo.


== Citations ==


== References ==
Brew, JO (1978), ""Neil Merton Judd, 1887–1976"", American Anthropologist, 80 (2): 352–354, doi:10.1525/aa.1978.80.2.02a00060
Strutin, M (1994), Chaco: A Cultural Legacy, Southwest Parks and Monuments Association, ISBN 978-1-877856-45-7


== Further reading ==
Neil M. Judd, Men Met along the Trail: Adventures in Archaeology, 1968, University of Oklahoma Press. Judd's professional memoirs.
Chaco Culture National Historical Park: A Brief History of Investigations & Excavations in Chaco Canyon: 1877 to Present
Register to the Papers of Neil Merton Judd, National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution


== External links ==
 Media related to Neil M. Judd at Wikimedia Commons"
Ralph Linton,1946,"Ralph Linton (27 February 1893 – 24 December 1953) was a respected  American anthropologist of the mid-20th century, particularly remembered for his texts The Study of Man (1936) and The Tree of Culture (1955). One of Linton's major contributions to anthropology was defining a distinction between status and role.


== Early life and education ==
Linton was born into a family of Quaker restaurant entrepreneurs in Philadelphia in 1893 and entered Swarthmore College in 1911. He was an indifferent student and resisted his father's pressures to prepare himself for the life of a professional. He grew interested in archaeology after participating in a field school in the southwest and took a year off of his studies to participate in another archaeological excavation at Quiriguá in Guatemala. Having found a strong focus he graduated Phi Beta Kappa in 1915.Although Linton became a prominent anthropologist, his graduate education took place largely at the periphery of the discipline. He attended the University of Pennsylvania, where he earned his master's degree studying with Frank Speck while undertaking additional archaeological field work in New Jersey and New Mexico.He was admitted to a Ph.D. program at Columbia University thereafter, but did not become close to Franz Boas, the doyen of anthropology in that era. When America entered World War I, Linton enlisted and served in France during 1917–1919 with Battery D, 149th Field Artillery, 42nd (Rainbow) Division. Linton served as a corporal and saw battle at the trenches, experiencing first hand a German gas attack. Linton's military experience would be a major influence on his subsequent work. One of his first published articles was ""Totemism and the A.E.F."" (Published in American Anthropologist vol. 26:294–300)"", in which he argued that the way in which military units often identified with their symbols could be considered a kind of totemism.His military fervor probably did not do anything to improve his relationship with the pacifist Franz Boas, who abhorred all displays of nationalism or jingoism. An anecdote has it that Linton was rebuked by Boas when he appeared in class in his military uniform.  Whatever the cause, shortly after his return to the United States, he transferred from Columbia to Harvard, where he studied with Earnest Hooton, Alfred Tozzer, and Roland Dixon.After a year of classes at Harvard, Linton proceeded to do more fieldwork, first at Mesa Verde and then as a member of the Bayard Dominick Expedition led by E.S.C. Handy under the auspices of the Bishop Museum to the Marquesas.While in the Pacific, his focus shifted from archaeology to cultural anthropology, although he would retain a keen interest in material culture and 'primitive' art throughout his life. He returned from the Marquesas in 1922 and eventually received his Ph.D. from Harvard in 1925.


== Academic career ==
Linton used his Harvard connections to secure a position at the Field Museum of Chicago after his return from the Marquesas. His official position was as Curator of American Indian materials. He continued working on digs in Ohio which he had first begun as a graduate student, but also began working through the museum's archival material on the Pawnee and published data collected by others in a series of articles and museum bulletins. While at the Field Museum he worked with illustrator and future children's book artist and author Holling Clancy Holling.
Between 1925 and 1927, Linton undertook an extensive collecting trip to Madagascar for the field museum, exploring the western end of the Austronesian diaspora after having studied the eastern end of this culture in the Marquesas. He did his own fieldwork there as well, and the book that resulted, The Tanala: A Hill Tribe of Madagascar (1933), was the most detailed ethnography he would publish.On his return to the United States, Linton took a position at the University of Wisconsin–Madison, where the Department of Sociology had expanded to include an anthropology unit. Linton thus served as the first member of what would later become a separate department. Several of his students went on to become important anthropologists, such as Clyde Kluckhohn, Marvin Opler, Philleo Nash, and Sol Tax. Up to this point, Linton had been primarily a researcher in a rather romantic vein, and his years at Wisconsin were the period in which he developed his ability to teach and publish as a theoretician. This fact, combined with his penchant for popular writing and his intellectual encounter with Radcliffe-Brown (then at the University of Chicago), led to the publication of his textbook The Study of Man (1936). It was also during this period that he married his third wife, Adelin Hohlfeld, who worked as his secretary and editor as well as his collaborator—many of the popular pieces published jointly by them (such as Halloween Through Twenty Centuries) were in fact entirely written by Adelin Hohlfield.
In 1937 Linton came to Columbia University, appointed to the post of head of the Anthropology department after the retirement of Franz Boas. The choice was opposed by most of Boas' students, with whom Linton had never been on good terms. The Boasians had expected Ruth Benedict to be the choice for Boas' successor. As head of the department Linton informed against Boas and many of his students to the FBI, accusing them of being communists. This led to some of them being fired and blacklisted, for example Gene Weltfish. Throughout his life Linton maintained an intense personal animosity against the Boasians, particularly against Ruth Benedict, and he was a fierce critic of the Culture and Personality approach. According to Sidney Mintz who was a colleague of Linton at Yale, he even once jokingly boasted that he had killed Benedict using a Tanala magic charm.When World War II broke out, Linton became involved in war-planning and his thoughts on the war and the role of the United States (and American Anthropology) could be seen in several works of the post-war period, most notably The Science of Man in the World Crisis (1945) and Most of the World. It was during the war that Linton also undertook a long trip to South America, where he experienced a coronary occlusion that left him in precarious health.
After the war Linton moved to Yale University, a center for anthropologists such as G. P. Murdock who had collaborated with the US government. He taught there from 1946 to 1953, where he continued to publish on culture and personality. It was during this period that he also began writing The Tree of Culture, an ambitious global overview of human culture. Linton was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1950. He died of complications relating to his trip in South America on Christmas Eve, 1953. His wife, Adelin Hohlfield Linton, completed The Tree of Culture which went on to become a popular textbook.


== Work ==
The Study of Man established Linton as one of anthropology's premier theorists, particularly amongst sociologists who worked outside of the Boasian mainstream. In this work he developed the concepts of status and role for describing the patterns of behavior in society. According to Linton, ascribed status is assigned to an individual without reference to their innate differences or abilities. Whereas Achieved status is determined by an individual's performance or effort. Linton noted that while the definitions of the two concepts are clear and distinct, it is not always easy to identify whether an individual's status is ascribed or achieved. His perspective offers a deviation from the view that ascribed statuses are always fixed. For Linton a role is the set of behaviors associated with a status, and performing the role by doing the associated behaviors is the way in which a status is inhabited.
Throughout this early period Linton became interested in the problem of acculturation, working with Robert Redfield and Melville Herskovits on a prestigious Social Science Research Council subcommittee of the Committee on Personality and Culture. The result was a seminal jointly-authored piece entitled Memorandum for the Study of Acculturation (1936). Linton also obtained money from the Works Progress Administration for students to produce work which studied acculturation. The volume Acculturation in Seven American Indian Tribes is an example of the work in this period, and Linton's contributions to the volume remain his most influential writings on acculturation. Linton's interest in culture and personality also expressed itself in the form of a seminar he organized with Abram Kardiner at the New York Psychoanalytic Institute.


== References ==

Ralph Linton on Encyclopædia Britannica.
Linton, Adelin and Charles Wagley (1971). Ralph Linton. Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0-231-03355-8.


== External links ==
100 Percent American—A well-known popular piece by Linton.
National Academy of Sciences Biographical Memoir"
Ruth Benedict,Jan-May 1947,"Ruth Fulton Benedict (June 5, 1887 – September 17, 1948) was an American anthropologist and folklorist.
She was born in New York City, attended Vassar College and graduated in 1909. After studying anthropology at the New School of Social Research under Elsie Clews Parsons, she entered graduate studies at Columbia University in 1921, where she studied under Franz Boas. She received her PhD and joined the faculty in 1923. Margaret Mead, with whom she shared a romantic relationship, and Marvin Opler, were among her students and colleagues.
Benedict was President of the American Anthropological Association and was also a prominent member of the American Folklore Society. She became the first woman to be recognized as a prominent leader of a learned profession. She can be viewed as a transitional figure in her field, redirecting both anthropology and folklore away from the limited confines of culture-trait diffusion studies and towards theories of performance as integral to the interpretation of culture. She studied the relationships between personality, art, language and culture, insisting that no trait existed in isolation or self-sufficiency, a theory which she championed in her 1934 book Patterns of Culture.


== Early life ==


=== Childhood ===
Benedict was born Ruth Fulton in New York City on June 5, 1887, to Beatrice (Shattuck) and Frederick Fulton. Her mother worked in the city as a school teacher, while her father was a homeopathic doctor and surgeon. Although Mr. Fulton loved his work and research, it eventually led to his premature death, as he acquired an unknown disease during one of his surgeries in 1888. Due to his illness the family moved back to Norwich, New York to the farm of Ruth's maternal grandparents, the Shattucks.  A year later he died, ten days after returning from a trip to Trinidad to search for a cure.Mrs. Fulton was deeply affected by her husband's passing.  Any mention of him caused her to be overwhelmed by grief; every March she cried at church and in bed. Ruth hated her mother's sorrow and viewed it as a weakness. For her, the greatest taboos in life were crying in front of people and showing expressions of pain. She reminisced, ""I did not love my mother; I resented her cult of grief"". Because of this, the psychological effects on her childhood were profound, for ""in one stroke she [Ruth] experienced the loss of the two most nourishing and protective people around her—the loss of her father at death and her mother to grief"".As a toddler, she contracted measles which left her partially deaf, which was not discovered until she began school. Ruth also had a fascination with death as a young child.  When she was four years old her grandmother took her to see an infant that had recently died.  Upon seeing the dead child's face, Ruth claimed that it was the most beautiful thing she had ever seen.At age seven Ruth began to write short verses and read any book she could get her hands on.  Her favorite author was Jean Ingelow and her favorite readings were A Legend of Bregenz and The Judas Tree.  Through writing she was able to gain approval from her family.  Writing was her outlet, and she wrote with an insightful perception about the realities of life.  For example, in her senior year of high school, she wrote a piece called, ""Lulu's Wedding (A True Story)"" in which she recalled the wedding of a family serving girl.  Instead of romanticizing the event, she revealed the true, unromantic, arranged marriage that Lulu went through because the man would take her, even though he was much older.Although Ruth Benedict's fascination with death started at an early age, she continued to study how death affected people throughout her career. In her book Patterns of Culture, Benedict studied the Pueblo culture and how they dealt with grieving and death. She describes in the book that individuals may deal with reactions to death, such as frustration and grief, differently. Societies all have social norms that they follow; some allow more expression when dealing with death, such as mourning, while other societies are not allowed to acknowledge it.


=== College and marriage ===
After high school, Margery (her sister) and Ruth were able to enter St Margaret's School for Girls, a college preparatory school, with help from a full-time scholarship.  The girls were successful in school and entered Vassar College in September 1905 where Ruth thrived in an all-female atmosphere.  During this time period stories were circulating that going to college led girls to become childless and never be married.  Nevertheless, Ruth explored her interests in college and found writing as her way of expressing herself as an ""intellectual radical"" as she was sometimes called by her classmates.  Author Walter Pater was a large influence on her life during this time as she strove to be like him and live a well-lived life.  She graduated with her sister in 1909 with a major in English Literature.  Unsure of what to do after college, she received an invitation to go on an all-expense-paid tour around Europe by a wealthy trustee of the college.  Accompanied by two girls from California that she'd never met, Katherine Norton and Elizabeth Atsatt, she traveled through France, Switzerland, Italy, Germany, and England for one year, having the opportunity of various home stays throughout the trip.Over the next few years, Ruth took up many different jobs.  First she tried paid social work for the Charity Organization Society and later she accepted a job as a teacher at the Westlake School for Girls in Los Angeles, California.  While working there she gained her interest in Asia that would later affect her choice of fieldwork as a working anthropologist.  However, she was unhappy with this job as well and, after one year, left to teach English in Pasadena at the Orton School for Girls.  These years were difficult, and she suffered from depression and severe loneliness. However, through reading authors like Walt Whitman and Jefferies that stressed a worth, importance and enthusiasm for life she held onto hope for a better future.The summer after her first year teaching at the Orton School she returned home to the Shattucks' farm to spend some time in thought and peace.  There Stanley Rossiter Benedict, an engineer at Cornell Medical College, began to visit her at the farm. She had met him by chance in Buffalo, New York around 1910.  That summer Ruth fell deeply in love with Stanley as he began to visit her more, and accepted his proposal for marriage.  Invigorated by love, she undertook several writing projects in order to keep busy besides the everyday housework chores in her new life with Stanley.  She began to publish poems under different pseudonyms—Ruth Stanhope, Edgar Stanhope, and Anne Singleton.  She also began work on writing a biography about Mary Wollstonecraft and other lesser-known women that she felt deserved more acknowledgement for their work and contributions. By 1918 the couple began to drift apart. Stanley suffered an injury that made him want to spend more time away from the city, and Benedict was not happy when the couple moved to Bedford Hills far away from the city.


== Career in anthropology ==


=== Education and early career ===
In her search for a career, she decided to attend some lectures at the New School for Social Research while looking into the possibility of becoming an educational philosopher.  While at the school, she took a class called ""Sex in Ethnology"" taught by Elsie Clews Parsons. She enjoyed the class and took another anthropology course with Alexander Goldenweiser, a student of noted anthropologist Franz Boas. With Goldenweiser as her teacher, Ruth's love for anthropology steadily grew.  As close friend Margaret Mead explained, ""Anthropology made the first 'sense' that any ordered approach to life had ever made to Ruth Benedict"".  After working with Goldenweiser for a year, he sent her to work as a graduate student with Franz Boas at Columbia University in 1921. She developed a close friendship with Boas, who took on a role as a kind of father figure in her life – Benedict lovingly referred to him as ""Papa Franz"".Boas gave her graduate credit for the courses that she had completed at the New School for Social Research. Benedict wrote her dissertation ""The Concept of the Guardian Spirit in North America"", and received the PhD in anthropology in 1923.  Benedict also started a friendship with Edward Sapir who encouraged her to continue the study of the relations between individual creativity and cultural patterns. Sapir and Benedict shared an interest in poetry, and read and critiqued each other's work, both submitting to the same publishers and both being rejected. They also were both interested in psychology and the relation between individual personalities and cultural patterns, and in their correspondences, they frequently psychoanalyzed each other. However, Sapir showed little understanding for Benedict's private thoughts and feelings. In particular, his conservative gender ideology jarred with Benedict's struggle for emancipation. While they were very close friends for a while, it was ultimately the differences in worldview and personality that led their friendship to strand.Benedict taught her first anthropology course at Barnard college in 1922 and among the students there was Margaret Mead. Benedict was a significant influence on Mead.Boas regarded Benedict as an asset to the anthropology department, and in 1931 he appointed her as Assistant Professor in Anthropology, something impossible until her divorce from Stanley Benedict that same year.
One student who felt especially fond of Ruth Benedict was Ruth Landes. Letters that Landes sent to Benedict state that she was enthralled by the way in which Benedict taught her classes and with the way that she forced the students to think in an unconventional way.When Boas retired in 1937, most of his students considered Ruth Benedict to be the obvious choice for the head of the anthropology department. However, the administration of Columbia was not as progressive in its attitude towards female professionals as Boas had been, and the university President Nicholas Murray Butler was eager to curb the influence of the Boasians whom he considered to be political radicals. Instead, Ralph Linton, one of Boas's former students, a World War I veteran and a fierce critic of Benedict's ""Culture and Personality"" approach, was named head of the department. Benedict was understandably insulted by Linton's appointment and the Columbia department was divided between the two rival figures of Linton and Benedict, both accomplished anthropologists with influential publications, neither of whom ever mentioned the work of the other.


=== Relationship with Margaret Mead ===
Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict are considered the two most influential and famous anthropologists of their time.  One of the reasons why Mead and Benedict got along well was the fact that they both shared a passion for their work and they each felt a sense of pride in the fact that they were successful working women during a time when this was uncommon. They were frequently known to critique each other's work; they entered into a companionship which began through their work, but during its early period, it also had an erotic character. Both Benedict and Mead wanted to dislodge stereotypes about women which were widely believed during their time and show people that working women could also be successful even though working society was seen as a man's world. In her memoir about her parents, With a Daughter's Eye, Margaret Mead's daughter implies that the relationship between Benedict and Mead was partly sexual. In 1946, Benedict received the Achievement Award from the American Association of University Women. After Benedict died of a heart attack in 1948, Mead kept the legacy of Benedict's work going by supervising projects that Benedict would have looked after, and editing and publishing notes from studies that Benedict had collected throughout her life.


=== Post-war ===
Before World War II began, Benedict was giving lectures at the Bryn Mawr College for the Anna Howard Shaw Memorial Lectureship. These lectures were focused around the idea of synergy. Yet, WWII made her focus on other areas of concentration of anthropology and the lectures were never presented in their entirety. After the war was over, she focused on finishing her book The Chrysanthemum and the Sword. Her original notes for the synergy lecture were never found after her death. She was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1947. She continued her teaching after the war, advancing to the rank of full professor only two months before her death,  in New York on September 17, 1948.


== Work ==


=== Patterns of Culture ===
Benedict's Patterns of Culture (1934) was translated into fourteen languages and for years, it was published in many editions and used as standard reading material for anthropology courses in American universities.
The essential idea in Patterns of Culture is, according to the foreword by Margaret Mead, ""her view that human cultures are 'personality writ large.'"" As Benedict wrote in that book, ""A culture, like an individual, is a more or less consistent pattern of thought and action"" (46). Each culture, she held, chooses from ""the great arc of human potentialities"" only a few characteristics which become the leading personality traits of the persons living in that culture. These traits comprise an interdependent constellation of aesthetics and values in each culture which together add up to a unique gestalt.
For example, she described the emphasis on restraint in Pueblo cultures of the American southwest, and the emphasis on abandon in the Native American cultures of the Great Plains. She used the Nietzschean opposites of ""Apollonian"" and ""Dionysian"" as the stimulus for her thought about these Native American cultures. She describes how, in ancient Greece, the worshipers of Apollo emphasized order and calm in their celebrations.
In contrast, the worshipers of Dionysus, the god of wine, emphasized wildness, abandon, letting go, as did Native Americans. She described in detail the contrasts between rituals, beliefs, personal preferences amongst people of diverse cultures to show how each culture had a ""personality"" that was encouraged in each individual.
Other anthropologists of the culture and personality school also developed these ideas, notably Margaret Mead in her Coming of Age in Samoa (published before ""Patterns of Culture"") and Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies (published just after Benedict's book came out). Benedict was a senior student of Franz Boas when Mead began to study with them, and they had extensive and reciprocal influence on each other's work. Abram Kardiner was also affected by these ideas, and in time, the concept of ""modal personality"" was born: the cluster of traits most commonly thought to be observed in people of any given culture.
Benedict, in Patterns of Culture, expresses her belief in cultural relativism. She desired to show that each culture has its own moral imperatives that can be understood only if one studies that culture as a whole. It was wrong, she felt, to disparage the customs or values of a culture different from one's own. Those customs had a meaning to the people who lived them which should not be dismissed or trivialized. We should not try to evaluate people by our standards alone. Morality, she argued, was relative to the values of the culture in which one operated.
As she described the Kwakiutl of the Pacific Northwest (based on the fieldwork of her mentor Boas), the Pueblo of New Mexico (among whom she had direct experience), the nations of the Great Plains, the Dobu culture of New Guinea (regarding whom she relied upon Mead and Reo Fortune's fieldwork), she gave evidence that their values, even where they may seem strange, are intelligible in terms of their own coherent cultural systems and should be understood and respected.  This also formed a central argument in her later work on the Japanese following World War II.
Critics have objected to the degree of abstraction and generalization inherent in the ""culture and personality"" approach. Some have argued that particular patterns she found may be only a part or a subset of the whole cultures. For example, David Friend Aberle writes that the Pueblo people may be calm, gentle, and much given to ritual when in one mood or set of circumstances, but they may be suspicious, retaliatory, and warlike in other circumstances.
In 1936, she was appointed an associate professor at Columbia University. However, by then, Benedict had already assisted in the training and guidance of several Columbia students of anthropology including Margaret Mead and Ruth Landes.Benedict was among the leading cultural anthropologists who were recruited by the US government for war-related research and consultation after the US entry into World War II.


=== ""The Races of Mankind"" ===
One of Benedict's lesser-known works was a pamphlet ""The Races of Mankind"" which she wrote with her colleague at the Columbia University Department of Anthropology, Gene Weltfish. This pamphlet was intended for American troops and set forth, in simple language with cartoon illustrations, the scientific case against racist beliefs.
""The world is shrinking,"" begin Benedict and Weltfish. ""Thirty-four nations are now united in a common cause—victory over Axis aggression, the military destruction of fascism"" (p. 1).
The nations united against fascism, they continue, include ""the most different physical types of men.""
And the writers explicate, in section after section, the best evidence they knew for human equality. They want to encourage all these types of people to join together and not fight amongst themselves. ""[A]ll the peoples of the earth"", they point out, ""are a single family and have a common origin."" We all have just so many teeth, so many molars, just so many little bones and muscles—so we can only have come from one set of ancestors no matter what our color, the shape of our head, the texture of our hair. ""The races of mankind are what the Bible says they are—brothers. In their bodies is the record of their brotherhood.""


=== The Chrysanthemum and the Sword ===

Benedict is known not only for her earlier Patterns of Culture but also for her later book The Chrysanthemum and the Sword, the study of the society and culture of Japan that she published in 1946, incorporating results of her war-time research.
This book is an instance of Anthropology at a Distance. Study of a culture through its literature, through newspaper clippings, through films and recordings, etc., was necessary when anthropologists aided the United States and its allies in World War II. Unable to visit Nazi Germany or Japan under Hirohito, anthropologists made use of the cultural materials to produce studies at a distance. They were attempting to understand the cultural patterns that might be driving their aggression and hoped to find possible weaknesses, or means of persuasion that had been missed.
Benedict's war work included a major study, largely completed in 1944, aimed at understanding Japanese culture.  Americans found themselves unable to comprehend matters in Japanese culture. For instance, Americans considered it quite natural for American prisoners of war to want their families to know they were alive, and to keep quiet when asked for information about troop movements, etc., while Japanese POWs, apparently, gave information freely and did not try to contact their families. Why was that? Why, too, did Asian peoples neither treat the Japanese as their liberators from Western colonialism, nor accept their own supposedly just place in a hierarchy that had Japanese at the top?
Benedict played a major role in grasping the place of the Emperor of Japan in Japanese popular culture, and formulating the recommendation to President Franklin D. Roosevelt that permitting continuation of the Emperor's reign had to be part of the eventual surrender offer.
Other Japanese who have read this work, according to Margaret Mead, found it on the whole accurate but somewhat ""moralistic"". Sections of the book were mentioned in Takeo Doi's book, The Anatomy of Dependence, though Doi is highly critical of Benedict's concept that Japan has a 'shame' culture, whose emphasis is on how one's moral conduct appears to outsiders in contradistinction to America's (Christian) 'guilt' culture, in which the emphasis is on individual's internal conscience. Doi stated that this claim clearly implies the former value system is inferior to the latter one.


== Legacy ==
The American Anthropology Association awards an annual prize named after Benedict. The 'Ruth Benedict Prize' has two categories, one for monographs by one writer and one for edited volumes. The prize recognizes 'excellence in a scholarly book written from an anthropological perspective about a lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender topic'.A U.S. 46¢ Great Americans series postage stamp in her honor was issued on October 20, 1995.
Benedict College in Stony Brook University has been named after her.
In 2005 Ruth Fulton Benedict was inducted into the National Women's Hall of Fame.


== References ==


=== Bibliography ===
AAAS (American Academy of Arts and Sciences). ""Book of Members, 1780–2010: Chapter B"" (PDF).
Banner, Lois W. 2003. Intertwined Lives: Margaret Mead, Ruth Benedict, and Their Circle. Vintage. ISBN 978-0-679-77612-3.
Benedict, Ruth. 1905–1948. ""Ruth Fulton Benedict Papers"". Alexander Street. Vassar College. Archives and Special Collections Library
Benedict, Ruth. 1931. Tales of the Cochiti Indians. Bureau of American Ethnology
Benedict, Ruth. 1959. An Anthropologist at Work: Writings of Ruth Benedict. Ed. Margaret Mead. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company.
Benedict, Ruth. 1989. The chrysanthemum and the sword: patterns of Japanese culture. With a foreword by Ezra F. Vogel. Houghton Mifflin.
Benedict, Ruth. 1989. Patterns of Culture. Preface by Margaret Mead; foreword by Mary Catherine Bateson. Houghton Mifflin. ISBN 978-0-395-50088-0.
Caffrey, Margaret M. Ruth Benedict:  Stranger in this Land. 1989. Austin: University of Texas Press.
Janiewski, Dolores E. & Lois W. Banner (eds.). 2004. Reading Benedict/reading Mead: feminism, race, and imperial visions – New studies in American intellectual and cultural history. JHU Press.
Lutkehaus, Nancy. 2008. Margaret Mead: the making of an American icon. Princeton University Press.
Maksel, Rebecca. 2004. [Review of Intertwined Lives: Margaret Mead, Ruth Benedict, and their circle]. Women's Review of Books January 1, 2004, 21(4):15–16
Maslow, Abraham H., Honigmann, John J., and Mead, Margaret. 1970. Synergy: Some Notes of Ruth Benedict. American Anthropologist, 72(2): 320–333. doi:10.1525/aa.1970.72.2.02a00060
Mead, Margaret. 1959. Preface to Ruth Benedict's Patterns of Culture in Benedict 1959 (above).
Mead, Margaret. 1959. ""Search: 1920–1930."" In Benedict 1959 (above).
Modell, Judith Schachter. 1983. Ruth Benedict:  Patterns of a Life. University of Pennsylvania Press.
Smithsonian Institution, Department of Anthropology. Guide to the Collections of the National Anthropological Archives (#L1).
Young, Virginia Heyer. 2005. Ruth Benedict : Beyond Relativity, Beyond Pattern. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 978-0-8032-4919-6.


== Further reading ==
Lang, Harry G. Deaf persons in the arts and sciences : a biographical dictionary. Greenwood Press. ISBN 978-0-313-29170-8.
Babcock, Barbara. 1995. ""Not in the First Person Singular"" (reprinted in) Behar, Ruth and Deborah A. Gordon (eds.).  Women Writing Culture.  Berkeley: University of California Press.
Bateson, Mary Catherine. 1984. With a Daughter's Eye: A Memoir of Margaret Mead and Gregory Bateson. New York: William Morrow. Memoir of Margaret Mead by her daughter, documenting the relationship between Mead and Benedict.
Geertz, Clifford. 1988.  Works and Lives: The Anthropologist as Author.  Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Handler, Richard. 1986. ""Vigorous Male and Aspiring Female: Poetry, Personality, and Culture in Edward Sapir and Ruth Benedict"" in Stocking, George (ed.). Malinowski, Rivers Benedict and Others: Essays on Culture and Personality.  Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press.
Handler, Richard. 1990. ""Ruth Benedict and the Modernist Sensibility,"" in Manganaro, Marc (ed.). Modernist Anthropology: From Fieldwork to Text. Princeton University Press. pp. 163–180.
Lapsley, Hilary. 1999. Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict: The Kinship of Women.  Amherst, Mass.: University of Massachusetts Press. ISBN 978-1-55849-181-6
Stassinos, Elizabeth (1997). ""Marriage as Mystery Writ Symbiotically: The Benedicts' Unpublished ""Chemical Detective Story"" of ""The Bo-Cu Plant"""". History of Anthropology Newsletter. XXIV (1): 3–10.
Stassinos, Elizabeth. 2007.  ""Culture and Personality In Henry's Backyard: Boasian War Allegories in Children's Science Writ Large Stories"" in Darnell, Regna and Frederic W. Gleach (eds.). Histories of Anthropology Annual, vol. 2. University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 978-0-8032-6663-6
Stassinos, Elizabeth. 2009. ""An Early Case of Personality: Ruth Benedict's Autobiographical Fragment and the Case of the Biblical 'Boaz'"" in Darnell, Regna and Frederic W. Gleach (eds.). Histories of Anthropology vol. 5. University of Nebraska Press. ISSN  1557-637X
Salamone, Frank A., 2018. « Life-affirming versus Life-denying Cultures : Ruth Benedict and Social Synergy » in Bérose - Encyclopédie internationale des histoires de l’anthropologie


== External links ==
Works by Ruth Benedict at Faded Page (Canada)
Works by Ruth Benedict at Open Library
Mead, Margaret (July 1949). ""Ruth Benedict's obituary"". American Anthropologist. 51 (3): 457–468. Archived from the original on 2010-10-22.
Ruth Benedict in the Vassar Encyclopedia
The Races of Mankind
Resources related to research : BEROSE - International Encyclopaedia of the Histories of Anthropology. ""Benedict, Ruth (1887-1948)"", Paris, 2018. (ISSN 2648-2770)"
Clyde Kluckhohn,May-Dec 1947,"Clyde  Kluckhohn (; January 11, 1905 in Le Mars, Iowa – July 28, 1960 near Santa Fe, New Mexico), was an American anthropologist and social theorist, best known for his long-term ethnographic work among the Navajo and his contributions to the development of theory of culture within American anthropology.


== Early life and education ==
Kluckhohn matriculated at Princeton University, but was forced by ill health to take a break from study and went to convalesce on a ranch in New Mexico owned by his mother's cousin's husband, Evon Z. Vogt. During this period he first came into contact with neighboring Navajo and began a lifelong love of their language and culture. He wrote two popular books based on his experiences in Navajo country, To the Foot of the Rainbow (1927) and Beyond the Rainbow (1933).
He resumed study at the University of Wisconsin–Madison and received his AB in Greek 1928. He then studied classics at Corpus Christi College, Oxford as a Rhodes Scholar in 1928–1930 For the following two years, he studied anthropology at the University of Vienna and was exposed to psychoanalysis. After teaching at the University of New Mexico from 1932–1934, he continued graduate work in anthropology at Harvard University where he received his Ph.D in 1936. He remained at Harvard as a professor in Social Anthropology and later also Social Relations for the rest of his life.


== Major works ==
In 1949, Kluckhohn began to work among five adjacent communities in the Southwest:  Zuni, Navajo, Mormon (LDS), Spanish-American (Mexican-American), and Texas Homesteaders A key methodological approach that he developed together with his wife Florence Rockwood Kluckhohn and colleagues Evon Z. Vogt and Ethel M. Albert, among others, was the Values Orientation Theory. They believed that cross-cultural understanding and communication could be facilitated by analyzing a given culture's orientation to five key aspects of human life: Human Nature (people seen as intrinsically good, evil, or mixed); Man-Nature Relationship (the view that humans should be subordinate to nature, dominant over nature, or live in harmony with nature); Time (primary value placed on past/tradition, present/enjoyment, or future/posterity/delayed gratification); Activity (being, becoming/inner development, or doing/striving/industriousness); and Social Relations (hierarchical, collateral/collective-egalitarian, or individualistic). The Values Orientation Method was developed furthest by Florence Kluckhohn and her colleagues and students in later years.Kluckhohn received many honors throughout his career. In 1947 he served as president of the American Anthropological Association and became first director of the Russian Research Center at Harvard. In the same year his book Mirror for Man won the McGraw Hill award for best popular writing on science.
Kluckhohn initially believed in the biological equality of races but later reversed his position. Kluckhohn wrote in 1959 that ""in the light of accumulating information as to significantly varying incidence of mapped genes among different peoples, it seems unwise to assume flatly that ‘man’s innate capacity does not vary from one population to another’.... On the premise that specific capacities are influenced by the properties of each gene pool, it seems very likely indeed that populations differ quantitatively in their potentialities for particular kinds of achievement.”Clyde Kluckhohn died of a heart attack in a cabin on the Upper Pecos River near Santa Fe, New Mexico. He was survived by his wife, Dr. Florence Rockwood Kluckhohn, who also taught anthropology at Harvard's Department of Social Relations. Clyde Kluckhohn was also survived by his son, Richard Kluckhohn.   Most of his papers are held at Harvard University, but some early manuscripts are kept at the University of Iowa.


== Interlocutors ==
Edward Low
Elizabeth Colson
Florence Rockwood Kluckhohn
Alfred L. Kroeber
Dorothea Leighton
Talcott Parsons
Evon Z. Vogt


== Selected publications ==
Kluckhohn, Clyde (1927) To the Foot of the Rainbow, a 1920s equestrian exploration through the Old Southwest
Kluckhohn, Clyde (1933) Beyond the Rainbow, a book about traveling in Hopi and Navaho land
Kluckhohn, Clyde (1949) Mirror for Man, New York: Fawcett
Kluckhohn, Clyde, Leonard McCombe, and Evon Z. Vogt (1951) Navajo means People. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press
Kluckhohn, Clyde (1951). ""Values and value-orientations in the theory of action: An exploration in definition and classification."" In T. Parsons & E. Shils (Eds.), Toward a general theory of action. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press
Kroeber, Alfred and Kluckhohn, Clyde (1952) Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions
Murray, Henry A. and Clyde Kluckhohn, (1953) Personality in Nature, Society, and Culture
Kluckhohn, Clyde (1961) Anthropology and the Classics, Brown University Press
Kluckhohn, Clyde (1962) Culture and Behavior: Collected Essays, Free Press of Glencoe


== References ==


== External links ==
Clyde Kae Maben Kluckhohn 1905–1960
Clyde Kluckhohn brief bio at Minnesota State University Mankato
Biographical note: Clyde Kluckhohn papers collection at the University of Iowa
Values Orientation Method
National Academy of Sciences Biographical Memoir
Henry A. Murray and Clyde Kluckhohn, Personality in Nature, Society, and Culture (1953)"
Harry L. Shapiro,1948,"Harry Lionel Shapiro (March 19, 1902 – January 7, 1990) was an American anthropologist and eugenicist.


== Biography ==
Shapiro was born into a Jewish family and was educated in Boston, Massachusetts.
While he was a senior at Harvard he was awarded a graduate fellowship from Yale in 1923 to pursue a genetic study of the descendants of the mutineers of HMS Bounty. Shapiro was a student of Earnest Hooton at Harvard University.After completing his graduate work in 1926 he went to work at the American Museum of Natural History in New York City, and while there conducted a few field trips. He is also known for his work with Frederick S. Hulse on Japanese migrant studies.Shapiro was appointed associate curator at the American Museum of Natural History in 1931 and full curator in 1942, the year he succeeded Clark Wissler as chair of the Department of Anthropology. He remained department chair until 1970. Shapiro concurrently taught at Columbia University as an adjunct Professor of Anthropology from 1938 to 1973.Shapiro was a founding member of the American Association of Physical Anthropologists in 1930 (AAPA) and between 1935 and 1939 served a term as its secretary and subsequently as vice-president (1941–42). He served as president of the American Anthropological Association in 1948, and president of the American Ethnological Society from 1942–43. He was elected to the National Academy of Sciences (NAS) in 1949 and served as chairman of the anthropology section from 1953 to 1957. He was president of the American Eugenics Society from 1955–62.
Shapiro married Janice Sandler in 1938 and together they had three children, Thomas, Harriet and James.


== Selected bibliography ==
The Heritage of the Bounty (1936; now retitled The Pitcairn Islanders)
Migration and Environment (1939)
Aspects of Culture (1956)
Man, Culture and Society (editor; 1956)
Peking Man (1974)
The Jewish People: A Biological History (1976)


== Footnotes ==


== External links ==
Biographical Memoir of Harry Lionel Shapiro"
A. Irving Hallowell,1949,"Alfred Irving ""Pete"" Hallowell (; 1892–1974) was an American anthropologist, archaeologist and businessman.  He was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and attended the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania receiving his B.S. degree in 1914, his A.M. in 1920, and his Ph.D. in anthropology in 1924.  He was a student of the anthropologist Frank Speck.  From 1927 through 1963 he was a professor of anthropology at the University of Pennsylvania excepting 1944 through 1947 when he taught the subject at Northwestern University.  Hallowell's main field of study was Native Americans.  He also held the presidency of the American Anthropological Association for a period.
His students included the anthropologists Melford Spiro, Anthony F. C. Wallace, Raymond D. Fogelson, George W. Stocking, Jr., Regna Darnell, Erika Eichhorn Bourguignon, James W. VanStone and Marie-Françoise Guédon.
After his retirement, his position was filled by the linguistic anthropologist Dell Hymes.


== Works ==
Bear Ceremonialism in the Northern Hemisphere (1926)
The Role of Conjuring in Saulteaux Society (1942)
Culture and Experience (1955)
Ojibwa Ontology, Behavior, and World View (1960)
Contributions to Anthropology (1976)


== References ==
Alfred Irving Hallowell
Hallowell, Alfred Irving
Alfred Irving Hallowell - biographical memoir from the National Academy of Science of the United States.
Darnell, Regna (2006) ""Keeping the Faith: A Legacy of Native American Ethnography, Ethnohistory, and Psychology.""  In: New Perspectives on Native North America: Cultures, Histories, and Representations, ed. by Sergei A. Kan and Pauline Turner Strong, pp. 3–16.  Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.
Kan, Sergei A., and Pauline Turner Strong (2006)  Introduction.  In: New Perspectives on Native North America: Cultures, Histories, and Representations, pp. xi-xlii.  Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press."
Ralph Beals,1950,"Ralph Leon Beals (July 19, 1901 – February 24, 1985) was an anthropologist at the University of California, Los Angeles, a former president of the American Anthropological Association, and the recipient of a Guggenheim Fellowship. He worked on community development in Egypt with UNESCO and studied Mexican students in American universities. His brother was journalist Carleton Beals.


== Further reading =="
William W. Howells,1951,"William White Howells (November 27, 1908 – December 20, 2005) was a professor of anthropology at Harvard University. His most notable research concluded that modern humans are of one species.
Howells, grandson of the novelist William Dean Howells, was born in New York City, the son of John Mead Howells, the architect of the Chicago Tribune Tower, and Abby MacDougall White. He graduated with an S.B. in 1930 and obtained a doctorate from Harvard in 1934 and worked for the American Museum of Natural History. He lectured at the University of Wisconsin–Madison from 1937 to 1954, serving as a lieutenant in the Office of Naval Intelligence during World War II. He taught at Harvard from 1954 until his retirement in 1974.
He was president of the American Anthropological Association in 1951. In 1998, with his wife Muriel Seabury, Howells endowed the directorship of the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard.


== Honors ==
Howells was a member of the National Academy of Sciences and won many notable awards. He received the Viking Fund Medal in 1954; the Distinguished Service Award of the American Anthropological Association in 1978 and was honored by that association again in 1993 with the establishment of the William W. Howells Book Prize. In 1992 he won the Charles Darwin Lifetime Achievement Award from the American Association of Physical Anthropologists.


== Selected works ==


=== Books ===
Howells, William W. (1944). Mankind So Far. Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Co.
Howells, William W. (1948). The Heathens; Primitive Man and his Religions. Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Co.
Howells, William W. (1954). Back of History: The Story of our own origins. Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Co.
Howells, William W. (1959). Mankind in the Making: The Story of Human Evolution. Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Co.
Howells, William W. (1962). Ideas on Human Evolution: Selected Essays, 1949–1961. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Howells, William W. (1973). Evolution of the Genus Homo. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.
Howells, William W. (1973). The Pacific Islanders. New York: Scribners.
Howells, William W. (1992). Getting Here: The Story of Human Evolution. Washington, D.C.: The Compass Press.


=== Monographs ===
Howells, William W. (1973). Cranial Variation in Man: A Study by Multivariate Analysis of Patterns of Difference Among Recent Human Populations.
Howells, William W. (1989). Skull Shapes and the Map: Craniometric Analyses in the Dispersion of Modern Homo.
Howells, William W. (1995). Who's Who in Skulls: Ethnic Identification of Crania from Measurements.


== References ==


== External links ==
National Academy of Sciences Biographical Memoir
William W. Howells Craniometric Data Set"
Wendell C. Bennett,1952,
Fred R. Eggan,1953,"Frederick Russell Eggan (September 12, 1906 in Seattle, Washington – May 7, 1991) was an American anthropologist best known for his innovative application of the principles of British social anthropology to the study of Native American tribes.  He was the favorite student of the British social anthropologist A. R. Radcliffe-Brown during Radcliffe-Brown's years at the University of Chicago.  His fieldwork was among Pueblo peoples in the southwestern U.S.  Eggan later taught at Chicago himself.  His students there included Sol Tax.
His best known works include his edited volume Social Anthropology of North American Tribes (1937) and The American Indian (1966).
His wife, Dorothy Way Eggan (1901–1965), whom he married in 1939, was also an anthropologist.


== Introduction ==
Frederick Eggan was a North American anthropologist in the 20th century and part of the anthropology department at the University of Chicago. He is a world-renowned social anthropologist, most famous for his works in the Southwest involving the Hopi Indians and many of the social changes that take place within the Western Pueblos. Ernest L. Schusky claims Fred Eggan is a founder of modern American anthropoly's eclectic approach, which combines the functionalism of Radcliffe-Brown with the historical approach of Franz Boas. In a paper titled “Among the Anthropologist,” Eggan answers a question posed by Margaret Mead: “Shouldn’t we all be branches of one human science?” Eggan states that anthropology should center on man and his works, while providing a spectrum of specialized fields which interlock with those of the social and behavioral sciences.


== Background ==
Frederick Eggan was born in Seattle, Washington on September 12, 1906 to Alfred Eggan and Olive Smith. Eggan earned his master's degree in psychology with a minor in anthropology from the University of Chicago in the early 20th century. He received his PhD in anthropology from the same university several years later with a doctoral thesis entitled “Social Organization of the Western Pueblos” analyzing the social organization of Pueblo Indians in the Southwest. Fred was an active member in the discipline of anthropology at a critical time when new technologies and methods were being invented for archeological purposes. He mentions these innovations in his paper on “Social Anthropology and the Method of Controlled Comparison.”  He speaks of the new aids to anthropological research such as radiocarbon dating, genetics, and the experimental method which are just a few of the many rapid technological advances that had taken place to aid the discipline in this time. Eggan married Dorothy Way in 1938; she was also an anthropologist of the Hopi. Fred died in his house in Santa Fe, New Mexico from heart failure on May 7, 1991; he was 84.


== Employment history ==
 Fred Eggan served as chairman at the University of Chicago of the department of anthropology; he was also president of the American Anthropological Association. He was also employed as a  professor of psychology, sociology, and history at Wentworth Junior College and Military Academy in Missouri before he obtained his PhD. Eggan also worked as a research assistant to Radcliffe-Brown at the University of Chicago, researching the social organization of Native American tribes. During his time teaching at the University of Chicago, Frederick held several positions. He was employed as an assistant professor (1940–1942), an associate professor (1942–1948), and professor (1948–1963). Fred retired from teaching in 1974. He addressed the connection between anthropology and the educational system in the following terms “Anthropology and education should have close working relations. Educators are occupied by the task of keeping the operations going, particularly in this period of changing models, and have little time or opportunity to step outside their educational institutions and them as a system in the society as a whole. He was also the  director of the Philippine Studies Program at the University of Chicago. Eggan also held a prominent position for the Philippine government during World War II as chief of research.


== Awards and honors ==
 Frederick Eggan was president of the American Anthropological Association from 1953 to 1954. He was also awarded the Weatherhead Resident Scholar in 1979 by the School for Advanced Research for his work entitled “The Great Basic Background of Hopi Culture History. He also received the Viking Fund medal in 1956. Towards the end of Frederick Eggan’s career in the 1960s, he was elected to the American Philosophical Society, American Academy of Arts and Sciences, as well as to the National Academy of Sciences.


== Key field work ==
Frederick Eggan has participated in several field studies at many different locations. Some of these sites include: Santa Fe where he lived with the Hopi Indians for a summer (1932), Mississippi and Oklahoma where his research was focused on primarily the Choctaw, Cheyenne, and Arapaho Indians (1933), and the Northern Philippines where he studied social changes in the Ifugao, Bontok, Tinguian, and Ilocano Indians (1934–1935).


== Research emphasis ==
 Eggan’s research has been primarily focused on “Native American kinship and social systems”, making use of  archeological, linguistic, and general ethnographic evidence. With his work in North America, Eggan attempted to create a theory to illuminate Boasian empiricism, which was a theory developed by Franz Boas that  all knowledge was derived from sense-experience. Eggan's work in Santa Fe analyzed each Western Pueblo social structure and compared and contrasted them to the Eastern Pueblos. His most important contribution to archeology, and possibly anthropology in general, was his  demonstrations how the variations currently observed in the Pueblo social structures are related to cultural adaptations to ecological niches. Eggan's time spent studying the Cheyenne and Arapaho served as a basis for one of his most famous works, “Social Anthropology and the Method of Controlled Comparison.”  He demonstrated how it was possible for the Cheyenne to change from a predominantly agricultural based lineage type kinship system to a system that was predominantly nomadic involving a heavy dependence on hunting and gathering in bands to increase their efficiency. Eggan theorized from his extensive research that this was a result of being forced by other tribes onto the Plains out of their land, which was in present-day Minnesota. The result of Eggan's work in the Philippines can be found in his paper on “Cultural Drift and Social Change.” It is in this paper that he claims  as one travels from the interior down to the coast, there are patterned series of changes in a definite direction in many important cultural institutions such as social, political, economic, and religious.


== Selected papers ==
The Maya kinship system and cross-cousin marriage. Am. Anthropol. 36:188–202.
Ed. Social Anthropology of North American Tribes. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
The Cheyenne and Arapaho kinship systems. In Social Anthropology of North American Tribes, ed. F. Eggan, pp. 35–95. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Historical changes in the Choctaw kinship system. Am. Anthropol. 39:34–52.
Some aspects of culture change in the northern Philippines. Am. Anthropol. 43:11–18.
The Hopi and the lineage principle. In Social Structure: Studies Presented to A.R. Radcliffe-Brown, ed. M. Fortes, pp. 121–144. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Social Organization of the Western Pueblos. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
The ethnological cultures and their archaeological backgrounds. In Archaeology of the Eastern United States, ed. J. B. Griffin, pp. 35–45. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Social anthropology and the method of controlled comparison. Am. Anthropol. 56:743–761.
Ed. Social Anthropology of North American Tribes. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 2nd edition.
Social anthropology: methods and results. In Social Anthropology of North American Tribes, ed. F. Eggan, pp. 485–551. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Ritual myths among the Tinguian. J. Am. Folklore 69:331–339.
With W. L. Warner. A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, 1881–1955. Am. Anthropol. 58:544–547.
Glottochronology: a preliminary appraisal of the North American data. In Proceedings, 32nd International Congress of Americanists, pp. 645–653. Copenhagen: Munksgaard.
With R. H. Lowie. Kinship terminologies. Encyclopædia Britannica vol. 13, pp. 407–409.
Cultural drift and social change. (Papers in honor of Melville J. Herskovits) Curr. Anthropol. 4:347–355.
Alliance and descent in a western Pueblo society. In Process and Pattern in Culture, ed. R. Manners, pp. 175–184. Chicago: Aldine Press.
The American Indian: Perspectives for the Study of Social Change. Chicago: Aldine Press.
From history to myth: a Hopi example. In Studies in Southwestern Ethnolinguistics, ed. D. Hymes, pp. 33–53. The Hague: Mouton.
Lewis Henry Morgan's Systems: a reevaluation. In Kinship Studies in the Morgan Centennial Year, ed. P. Reining, pp. 1–16. Washington, D.C.: Anthropological Society of Washington.
Among the anthropologists. Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 3:1–19.
Pueblos: introduction. In Handbook of the North American Indians, Vol. 9: Southwest, ed. A. Ortiz, pp. 224–235. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press.
With T. N. Pandey. Zuni history: 1850–1970. In Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 9: Southwest, ed. A. Ortiz, pp. 474–484. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press.
Beyond the bicentennial: the future of the American Indian in the perspectives of the past. J. Anthropol. Res. 34:161–180.
Shoshone kinship structures and their significance for anthropological theory. J. Steward Anthropol. Soc. 11:165–193.
Comparative social organization. In Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 10: Southwest, ed. A. Ortiz, pp. 723–743. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press.
Some aspects of culture change in the northern Philippines”. ‘’Am. Anthropol’’. 43:11–18. 1941


== References ==


== External links ==
Guide to the Fred Eggan Papers 1870-1991 at the University of Chicago Special Collections Research Center
http://articles.chicagotribune.com/1991-05-09/news/9102110043_1_hopi-indians-north-american-tribes-american-anthropological-association
http://www.nap.edu/readingroom.php?book=biomems
http://news.lib.uchicago.edu/blog/2009/08/28/fred-eggan-papers
http://sarweb.org/?resident_scholar_fred_eggan-p:resident_scholar_weatherhead_fellowship_recipients
http://www.nytimes.com/1991/05/09/obituaries/fred-russell-eggan-is-dead-at-84-a-retired-anthropology-professor.html
http://connection.ebscohost.com/c/biographies/39004494/fred-russell-eggan
http://www.wennergren.org/history/other-programs/viking-fund-medal
National Academy of Sciences Biographical Memoir
Biography"
John Otis Brew,1954,"John Otis Brew, born March 28, 1906, was an American Southwest archaeologist that not only conducted extensive archaeological research, but was also a director at the Peabody Museum at Harvard University.  Many of his publications are still used today by archaeologists that conduct their work in the American Southwest.  J.O. Brew was a titan in the world of archaeology for his attempts to ""preserve our archaeological heritage"".  On March 19, 1988, John Otis Brew died from congestive heart failure in Cambridge, Massachusetts.


== Early life and academic career ==
From his early beginnings, Brew had an interest in history, but his true love was classical archaeology.   Brew received his education at Dartmouth College where he earned a bachelor's degree in fine arts in 1928.  He then went on to Harvard University for his graduate studies where he earned a Thaw Fellowship.  In 1931 ""Jo"", as he was known by his friends and colleagues, finished his residence requirements at Harvard and gained an invitation to join the Peabody Museum's Claflin-Emerson Expedition for archaeological reconnaissance which was located in northeastern Utah.


== Research ==


=== Alkali Ridge Expedition ===
In 1931, Brew was made director of the Peabody Museum’s Southeastern Utah Expedition to Alkali Ridge.  His work in this location is what he is most known for.  His report, The Archaeology of Alkali Ridge, Southeastern Utah, With a Review of the Prehistory of the Mesa Verde Division of the San Juan and Some Observations on Archaeological Systematics, was published in 1946 and ""immediately became a landmark in southwestern archaeological literature"".  In this particular report Brew recorded such outstanding detail and interpretations of the site that the first three chapters are still used as a fundamental reference today.


=== Harvard Irish Expedition ===
Brew was introduced to Old World archaeology by Hugh Hencken and Hallam Movius in 1934.  He accompanied them on the Harvard Irish Mission in which they excavated a hill fort in County Clare and a lake dwelling in County Meath.


=== Awatovi Expedition ===
From the years 1936–1939 Brew directed the Peabody Museum's Awatovi Expedition in northeastern Arizona.  This expedition was considered to be Brew’s second major archeological undertaking.  During this expedition Brew and his team investigated the Jeddito region on the Hopi Indian Reservation, where, among other things, they discovered a major Franciscan Mission built in the seventeenth century.  Because of World War II most of the reports for the Awatovi Expedition were not published until later, but by 1978 eleven reports started to appear.  A ""final"" report for the Awatovi Expedition has never been written.


=== Upper Gila Expedition ===
Brew's third major research program came between 1949–1954 with the Peabody Museum's Upper Gila Expedition.  There he investigated Anasazi-Mogollon contact with the help of colleagues, including Watson Smith and Charles R. McGimsey III, from his work at the Awatovi Expedition.  Some women (such as Hester A. Davis) assisted with this expedition, which was unusual at the time. This expedition was originally planned to be carried out in the 1930s with the help of Donald Scott, who was the director of the Peabody Museum at the time.  Those who have had the pleasure of working with Brew on archaeological sites have said, “He was remarkably skilled at keeping track of the daily minutiae of field research without losing sight of the major goals of the work”.


== Archaeological Involvement and the Peabody Museum ==
Brew was appointed curator of southwestern archaeology at the Peabody Museum in 1941 and the curator of North American archaeology in 1945.  Brew also taught, which he thoroughly enjoyed, and made sure his students were actively enjoying the classroom as much as he was.  These positions left Brew ample time to pursue his love for archaeological research and never interfered with his work.  In 1948 he was appointed director of the Peabody Museum.In 1945 the Committee for the Recovery of Archaeological Remains, known as CRAR, was formed.  The committee was appointed by the Society for American Archaeology, the American Anthropological Association and the American Council of Learned Societies and consisted of William S. Webb, A.V. Kidder, Frederick Johnson, and John Otis Brew (as the chairman).  CRAR was a successful and very productive organization with J.O. Brew at the head.  Brew was applauded for his leadership by Emil Haury in the following quote, ""Jo knows his way around Washington, on the Hill and wherever else it counts.  His dealings with tough-minded Senators, Representatives, and people in the Bureau of the Budget, have been done with a finesse that has paid off.  All one needs to do is…catch the enthusiasm Jo has instilled in them (Federal agency representatives) for an activity that is far from their main line of interest"".J.O. Brew was also president of the Society for American Archaeology.  In 1949 he revealed a humorous side when he wrote to his colleagues stating, ""I have been instructed by the last Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology to appoint a committee to determine whether or not we should retain the traditional spelling ‘Archaeology’ or adopt the bob-tailed version ‘Archeology’ in the official name of the society and all its works"". The archaeologists considered Brew’s letter with all seriousness, and voted sixteen to seven in favor of the traditional spelling.
The Peabody Museum celebrated its one-hundredth anniversary on October 8, 1966.  The event was celebrated the evening before with approximately four-hundred and fifty graduates, friends, faculty, and staff.  IN an essay in the volume 100 Years of Archaeology, Brew notes that it was a festive event in which tobacco was smoked and cocktails were served for the first time inside the halls of the museum.  He also organized several lectures that took place over the 1966 academic year that discussed the growth of the five major phases of anthropology from 1866 to 1966.  Those phases were:  American Archaeology, Old World Prehistory, Biological Anthropology, Ethnology and Social Anthropology, and Anthropological Linguistics.  The lecturers were Gordon Willey of Harvard University, Glyn Daniel of Cambridge University in England, Sherwood Washburn of the University of California at Berkeley, Fred Eggan of the University of Chicago, and Floyd Lounsbury of Yale University.  Brew also gave a brief history of the Peabody Museum.  All of these activities showed what great enthusiasm Brew had for Harvard University, the Peabody Museum, and the fields of anthropology and archaeology.Brew also became actively involved with the National Park Service Advisory Board and UNESCO’s International Committee for Monuments, Historic Sites, and Archaeological Excavations, for which he was chairman for a number of years.  He was a member of the Massachusetts Historical Commission and the advisory board of Plimoth Plantation and served as trustee of Fruitlands Museum in Harvard, Massachusetts.  Late in his life he also served on a board that advised the Tennessee Valley Authority on archaeological matters.


== Personal life ==
John Otis Brew married Evelyn Nimmo in 1939 at the Awatovi Expedition site and they had two children, Alan P. Brew and Lindsay E. Brew.  Alan followed in his father's footsteps and became an archaeologist while Lindsay became a lawyer.  Brew also enjoyed collecting trolley car memorabilia, which is now permanently housed in the Boston Public Library.  He will always be remembered as an intelligent, humorous, and sensitive person who helped to save archaeological sites from being destroyed.


== References ==


== Selected works ==
Brew, John O.

(1941) Bibliography: Field Methods in Archaeology, Anthropology 15. Ms. on file, Department of Anthropology, Harvard University, Cambridge.
(1943) Applied Anthropology in the Southwest. Applied Anthropology 3:35–40.
(1946) The Archaeology of Alkali Ridge, Southeastern Utah, With a Review of the Prehistory of the Mesa Verde Division of the San Juan and Some Observations on Archaeological Systematics. Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology Vol. 21. Harvard University, Cambridge.
(1948) The 1947 Reconnaissance and the Proposed Upper Gila Expedition of the Peabody Museum of Harvard University (with E. B. Danson). El Palacio 55:211–222.
(1956) The Metal Ages: Copper, Bronze, and Iron. In Man, Culture, and Society, edited by H. L. Shapiro, pp. 111–138. Oxford University Press, New York.
(1966) Salvage Archaeology: Saving the Past from the Present. The Nation 203:117–120.
(1968) Introduction. In One Hundred Years ofAnthropology, edited by J. O. Brew, pp. 5–25. Harvard University Press, Cambridge.
(1979) Hopi Prehistory and History to 1850. In Southwest, edited by A. Ortiz, pp. 514–523. Handbook of North American Indians, vol. 9, W. G. Sturtevant, general editor. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.


== External links ==
The Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology Site
Alkali Ridge Site
Awatovi Site
Awatovi Site
Upper Gila Site
Dartmouth College Site
Harvard University Site"
George P. Murdock,1955,"George Peter (""Pete"") Murdock (May 11, 1897 – March 29, 1985), also known as G. P. Murdock, was an American anthropologist. He is remembered for his empirical approach to ethnological studies and his study of family and kinship structures across differing cultures.


== Early life ==
Born in Meriden, Connecticut to a family that had farmed there for five generations, Murdock spent many childhood hours working on the family farm and acquired a wide knowledge of traditional, non-mechanized, farming methods. He graduated from Phillips Academy, Andover, in 1915 and earned a BA in American History at Yale University. He then attended Harvard Law School, but quit in his second year and took a long trip around the world. This trip, combined with his interest in traditional material culture, and perhaps a bit of inspiration from the popular Yale teacher A.G. Keller, prompted Murdock to study anthropology at Yale. Yale's anthropology program still maintained something of the evolutionary tradition of William Graham Sumner, a quite different emphasis from the historical particularism promulgated by Franz Boas at Columbia. In 1925, he received his doctorate and continued at Yale as a faculty member and chair of the anthropology department.Even in his earliest writings, Murdock's distinctive approach is apparent. He advocates an empirical approach to anthropology, through the compilation of data from independent cultures, and then testing hypotheses by subjecting the data to the appropriate statistical tests. He also sees himself as a social scientist rather than more narrowly as an anthropologist, and is in constant dialogue with researchers in other disciplines. At Yale, he assembled a team of colleagues and employees in an effort to create a cross-cultural data set.Believing that a cross-cultural approach would help the U.S. war effort during World War II, Murdock and a few colleagues enlisted in the Navy and wrote handbooks on the cultures of Micronesia, working out of an office at Columbia University. After completing the handbooks, Murdock and his fellow officers were sent to the Pacific as military government officials, serving for nearly a year in the administration of occupied Okinawa. While his pre-war fieldwork had been among the Haida and other indigenous peoples of the Northwest North American coast, Murdock's interests were now focused on Micronesia, and he conducted fieldwork there episodically until the 1960s.


== Yale ==
Murdock joined the faculty of Yale University in 1928. His PhD from the institution was in the field of Sociology, as Yale at that time did not yet have a Department of Anthropology. Murdock taught courses in physical anthropology. In 1931, Yale established an anthropology department and hired Edward Sapir as the chairman. Murdock's sociological and positivist approach to anthropology was at odds with Sapir's Boasian approach to cultural anthropology. Following Sapir's death, Murdock served as chairman of the Department of Anthropology from 1938 until 1960, when he reached the then mandatory retirement age at Yale. However, he was offered the chair of Andrew Mellon Professor of Social Anthropology at the University of Pittsburgh. Leaving his long-time residence at 960 Ridge Road in Hamden, Connecticut, Murdock moved with his wife to 4150 Bigelow Boulevard in Pittsburgh. He taught at the University of Pittsburgh until his retirement in 1973, at which point he moved to the Philadelphia area to be close to his son.
Murdock and his wife had one child, Robert Douglas Murdock. He was born in 1929 and died in 2011. Bob and Jean Murdock had three children, Nancy and Karen (born 1955) and Douglas (born 1959).
For Murdock's war service in World War II, the best source is his own account as published in A Twenty-Five Year Record: Yale College Class of 1919, a class yearbook published in New Haven, Connecticut in 1946. These are Murdock's own recollections, as shared with his classmates in the class of 1919 at Yale:

Before war struck, I was preoccupied with the routines of academic life at Yale—teaching and research with their modest rewards, departmental administration with its headaches, pleasant extra-curricular associations with my colleagues. The principal thrill was to observe (and participate in) the gradual upsurge by which Yale came to assume unquestioned leadership in the social sciences. [...] I wrote a little, imbibed a little, played some tennis, arbitrated a motion picture dispute, and instituted a fairly ambitious project called the Cross-Cultural Survey but dubbed by the New York Times a 'bank of knowledge.' Then came Pearl Harbor, the explosions of which reverberated even in academic halls. Through my chairmanship of the Oceania committee of the National Research Council I helped mobilize the country's anthropologists in the war effort. On the advice of the intelligence experts of the Army and Navy I converted the Cross-Cultural Survey into a fact-gathering organization on the Japanese-held islands of the Pacific. For the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs I organized and ran the Strategic Index of the Americas, a similar fact-gathering unit. Like so many of my colleagues I spent a good bit of my time running back and forth to Washington. Early in 1943, when the military program in the Pacific began to accelerate, the Navy Department urged me to speed up the research of the Cross-Cultural Survey and made a very generous offer of financial support. They urged me even more strongly, however, to give up my other commitments, to come into the Navy with my associates, and to do the job 'on the inside.' I said, 'Yes,' and within a week received a lieutenant commander's commission. [...] After a month of informal indoctrination at the Office of the Naval Intelligence in Washington I was assigned to the staff of the Naval School of Military Government at Columbia University. Here for fifteen months I managed a research unit at Yale which assembled all available information on the Pacific islands held by the Japanese, operated a second unit at Columbia which organized the information into a series of nine handbooks, and gave a course on the Pacific to military government officers. The last handbook, on the Ryukyu Islands, was (providentially) published just when it was decided to invade Okinawa, and I was sent out to Hawaii to join the staff of the Tenth Army in planning that operation. The planning complete, I was sent out to Okinawa as a military government officer. [...]
For two months, helped by one language officer, my job was to induce or drag the terror-stricken natives out of their mountain fastnesses into the coastal villages where we could house and feed them, give them medical attention, and get them back to a normal peacetime economy. [...] Like millions of my compatriots I have seen at first hand the heroism, cowardice, monotony, resourcefulness, inefficiency, and frustration of which war is compounded. [...] I was transferred to the headquarters of military government for Okinawa and the adjacent islands, being placed in charge first of political affairs and then of all civilian affairs, social and economic as well as political. My principal task was to organize an island-wide civilian council and to establish uniform local government throughout the area, during the course of which I organized and supervised two general elections. During this period my contacts were largely with the political, professional, and business leaders among the Okinawans.

[...] By early October the pull for home was very strong, and I left Okinawa on a task force bound for Norfolk. We stopped en route for three or four days each at Singapore, Colombo, and Cape Town, where we were welcomed by the residents and wined and dined by the Royal Navy. Having completed a circuit of the world, I rejoined my family on December 7.
According to David H. Price, in a chapter entitled ""Hoover's Informer"", devoted to Murdock during McCarthyism, Murdock had secretly informed on AAA colleagues to J. Edgar Hoover. Murdock was particularly antagonistic of Boasian cultural anthropology, which he considered to be aligned with communist thought. Murdock was not the only person in his field or at his university to cooperate with intelligence agencies. For much of the 20th century, agencies such as the CIA and the FBI enjoyed a close relationship with American universities. Yale University was especially known (later) as a breeding ground for employees of the agencies. Researchers in anthropology and foreign relations were often debriefed after foreign field trips. Murdock later served as chair of the American Anthropological Association's (AAA's) Committee on Scientific Freedom, established to defend anthropologists from unfair attacks.
In 1948, Murdock decided that his cross-cultural data set would be more valuable were it available to researchers at schools other than Yale. He approached the Social Science Research Council and obtained the funding to establish an inter-university organization, the Human Relations Area Files, with collections maintained at Yale University (Whiting 1986: 684).


== Major works ==
In 1954, Murdock published a list of every known culture, the Outline of World Cultures. In 1957, he published his first cross-cultural data set, the World Ethnographic Sample, consisting of 565 cultures coded for 30 variables. In 1959, despite having no professional experience in Africa, Murdock published Africa: Its peoples and their culture history, a very useful reference book on African ethnic groups which also broke new ground in the analysis of prehistory, especially the domestication of plants. There is also a list of his other major works:

Correlations of Matrilineal and Patrilineal Institutions. // G. P. Murdock (ed.) Studies in the Science of Society, New Haven: Yale, 1937.
Social Structure. New York: The MacMillan Company. 1949.
Ethnographic Atlas: A Summary. Pittsburgh: The University of Pittsburgh Press. 1967.
Standard Cross-Cultural Sample // Ethnology 8 (4): 329–369. 1969.
Atlas of World Cultures. Pittsburgh: The University of Pittsburgh Press. 1981.


== University of Pittsburgh ==
In 1960, Murdock moved to the University of Pittsburgh, where he occupied the Andrew Mellon Chair of Anthropology. In 1971, he was instrumental in founding the Society for Cross-Cultural Research, a scholarly society composed primarily of anthropologists and psychologists (Whiting 1986: 685). Between 1962 and 1967, he published installments of his Ethnographic Atlas in the journal Ethnology—a data set eventually containing almost 1,200 cultures coded for over 100 variables. In 1969, together with Douglas R. White, he developed the Standard Cross-Cultural Sample, consisting of a carefully selected set of 186 well-documented cultures that today are coded for about 2000 variables (Whiting 1986: 685). At the end of his career, he felt ""no hesitation in rejecting the validity and utility of the entire body of anthropological theory, including the bulk of my own work...consigning it to the realm of mythology [not] science"" as in ""anthropology there's virtually no [...] consensus"" on ""the essential core of its body of theory.""After his retirement from Pitt, Murdock moved to the Philadelphia area to be close to his son and grandchildren. He is buried in a military cemetery, Valley Forge Memorial Gardens, 352 South Gulph Road, King of Prussia, PA.


== Ethnology ==
In 1962, Murdock founded Ethnology An International Journal of Cultural and Social Anthropology, published by the University of Pittsburgh. Publication ended in 2012 owing to a lack of interest from the faculty of the Department of Anthropology at the University of Pittsburgh. Journal staff was released shortly thereafter, and offices were permanently repurposed.


== Contributions ==
Murdock is known most of all for his main sequence theory whose gist was spelled out by him initially as follows: ""When any social system which has attained equilibrium begins to change, such change regularly begins with modification of the rule of residence. Alteration in residence rules is followed by development or change in form of descent consistent with residence rules. Finally adaptive changes in kinship terminology follow (Murdock 1949:221–222).""


== Notes ==


== See also ==
List of cultures in the standard cross cultural sample


== Publications ==
Murdock, George Peter (1949). Social Structure. New York: The MacMillan Company. ISBN 978-0-02-922290-4.
Murdock, G.P. 1959. Africa: Its peoples and their culture history. New York: McGraw-Hill.
Murdock, G. P. 1967. Ethnographic Atlas: A Summary. Pittsburgh: The University of Pittsburgh Press.
Murdock, G. P. (1970). ""Kin Term Patterns and their Distribution"". Ethnology. 9 (2): 165–207. doi:10.2307/3772782. JSTOR 3772782.
Murdock, G. P. 1980. 'Theories of Illness: A World Survey'. Pittsburgh: The University of Pittsburgh Press.
Murdock, G. P. 1981. Atlas of World Cultures. Pittsburgh: The University of Pittsburgh Press.
Murdock, G. P. 1985. Kin Term Patterns and their Distribution. World Cultures 1(4): stds25.dat, stds25.cod.
Murdock, G. P.; Morrow, D. O. (1970). ""Subsistence Economy and Supportive Practices: Cross-Cultural Codes 1"". Ethnology. 9 (3): 302–330. doi:10.2307/3773028. JSTOR 3773028.
Murdock, G. P.; Provost, C. A. (1973). ""Measurement of Cultural Complexity"". Ethnology. 12 (4): 379–392. doi:10.2307/3773367. JSTOR 3773367.
Murdock, G. P., R. Textor, H. Barry III, D. R. White, J. P. Gray, and W. Divale. 1999–2000. Ethnographic Atlas. World Cultures 10(1): 24–136, at01–09.sav; 11(1): ea10.sav (the third electronic version) [1].
Murdock, G. P.; White, Douglas R (1969). ""Standard Cross-Cultural Sample"". Ethnology. 8 (4): 329–369. doi:10.2307/3772907. JSTOR 3772907.
Murdock, G. P.; Wilson, S. F. (1972). ""Settlement Patterns and Community Organization: Cross-Cultural Codes 3"". Ethnology. 11 (3): 254–295. doi:10.2307/3773219. JSTOR 3773219.
Murdock, G.P, C.S. Ford, A.E. Hudson, R. Kennedy, L. W. Simmons, and J. W. M. Whiting, Outline of Cultural Materials, New Haven: Institute of Human Relations, 1938.Chronological listing of books and articles:

The Evolution of Culture by Julius Lippert (New York: Macmillan, 1931) (as translator and editor)
""Ethnocentrism"", Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, vol. 5, pp. 613–614 (New York, 1931)
""The Science of Culture"", American Anthropologist, n.s., 34: 200–215 (1932)
""Lippert, Julius"", Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, vol. 9, pp. 490–491 (1933)
""The Organization of Inca Society"", Scientific Monthly, 38: 231–239 (1934)
Our Primitive Contemporaries (New York: Macmillan, 1934)
""Kinship and Social Behavior among the Haida"", American Anthropologist, n.s., 36: 355–385 (1934)
""A Racial Primer"", Bulletin of the Associates in the Science of Society, 4.4: 1–3 (1935)
""The Witoto Kinship System"", American Anthropologist, n.s., 38: 525–527 (1936)
""Rank and Potlatch among the Haida"", Yale University Publications in Anthropology, no. 13, pp. 1–20 (1936)
Studies in the Science of Society (New Haven: Yale, 1937) (editor)
""Correlations of Matrilineal and Patrilineal Institutions"". In G. P. Murdock (ed.) Studies in the Science of Society, New Haven: Yale, 1937.
""Comparative Data on the Division of Labor by Sex"", Social Forces, 15: 551–553 (1937)
""Anthropological Glossary"", Southwestern Monuments, pp. 77–88, 268–274 (1938)
""Notes on the Tenino, Molala, and Paiute of Oregon"", American Anthropologist, n.s., 40: 395–402 (1938)
""Guia para la investigacion etnologica"", trans. by Radames A. Altieri, Universidad Nacional de Tucuman, Notas del Instituto de Antropologia, I, ii, 21–131, Tucuman, 1939 (coauthor with C.S. Ford, A. E. Hudson, R. Kennedy, L. W. Simmons, and J. W. M. Whiting)
""The Cross-Cultural Survey"", American Sociological Review, 5: 361–370, 1940
""Double Descent"", American Anthropologist, 42:555–561, 1940.
""Ethnographic Bibliography of North America"", Yale Anthropological Studies, I, pp. 1–169, 1941
""Anthropology and Human Relations"", Sociometry, 4: 140–149, 1941.
""Bronislaw Malinowski"", Yale Law Journal, 51: 1235–1236, 1942.
""The Yale Survey of South American Ethnology"", Proceedings of the Eighth American Scientific Congress, 1940, 2: 199–202. Washington, 1942.
""Marshall Islands"", Navy Department (OPNAV 50E), Military Government Handbook, no. 1, pp. 1–113. Washington, 1943 (coauthor with C. S. Ford and J. W. M. Whiting)
""Bronislaw Malinowski"", American Anthropologist, n.s., 45: 441–451, 1943.
""East Caroline Islands"", Navy Department (OPNAV 50E), Civil Affairs Handbook, no. 5, pp. 1–213. Washington, 1944. (coauthor with C. S. Ford and J. W. M. Whiting)
""West Caroline Islands"", Navy Department (OPNAV 50E), Civil Affairs Handbook, no. 7, pp. 1–222, Washington, 1944. (coauthor with C.S. Ford and J. W. M. Whiting)
""Mandated Marianas Islands"", Navy Department (OPNAV 50E), Civil Affairs Handbook, no. 8, pp. 1–205, Washington, 1944. (coauthor with C.S. Ford and J.W.M. Whiting)
""Marshall Islands Statistical Supplement"", Navy Department (OPNAV 50E), Civil Affairs Handbook, no. 1S, pp. 1–38, Washington, 1944 (coauthor with C.S. Ford and J. W. M. Whiting)
""Izu and Bonin Islands"", Navy Department (OPNAV 50E), Civil Affairs Handbook, no. 9, pp. 1–188. Washington, 1944 (coauthor with C.S. Ford and J.W. M. Whiting)
""Ryukyu (Loochoo) Islands"", Navy Department (OPNAV 13), Civil Affairs Handbook, no. 31, pp. 1–334. Washington, 1944. (coauthor with C. S. Ford and J. W. M. Whiting)
""The Common Denominator of Cultures"", in Ralph Linton (ed.), The Science of Man in the World Crisis, New York: Columbia, 1945, pp. 123–142.
Nuestros contemporaneos primitivos (Spanish translation of Our Primitive Contemporaries), trans. by Teodoro Ortiz. Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1945.
""Outline of Cultural Materials"", rev. ed. Yale Anthropological Studies, II, pp, 1–56. New Haven, 1945 (coauthor with C. S. Ford, A. E. Hudson, R. Kennedy, L. W. Simmons, and J. W. M. Whiting)
""Bifurcate Merging: A Test of Five Theories"", American Anthropologist, n.s. 49: 56–68, 1947.
""Family Universals"", Marriage and Family Living, 9:39, 1947.


== References ==
A Twenty-five Year Record: Class of 1919 Yale College. New Haven Connecticut, 1946.
Whiting, John W.M. (1986). ""George Peter Murdock, (1897–1985)"". American Anthropologist. 88 (3): 682–686. doi:10.1525/aa.1986.88.3.02a00120. S2CID 161671163.
Korotayev, Andrey. 2001. An Apologia of George Peter Murdock. Division of Labor by Gender and Postmarital Residence in Cross-Cultural Perspective: A Reconsideration. World Cultures 12(2): 179–203.
Kryukov, M. V.(1968). Historical Interpretation of Kinship Terminology. Moscow: Institute of Anthropology and Ethnography, USSR Academy of Sciences.
David H. Price (2004). ""Threatening Anthropology: McCarthyism and the FBI's Surveillance of Activist Anthropologists"" [2]
""George Peter Murdock, cultural anthropologist"" (obituary) The Philadelphia Inquirer, April 2, 1985, page 7B


== External links ==
George Murdock — Biographical Memoirs of the National Academy of Sciences
Human Relations Area Files
webAfriqa/Anthropology/G.P. Murdock/Africa. Its Peoples and their Culture History
SemanticAfrica/Anthropology/G.P. Murdock/MindNode Mapping Diagrams of the Index of Tribal Names
SemanticAfrica//Anthropology/G.P. Murdock/Africa. Its Peoples and their Culture History/Index of Tribal Names
SemanticAfrica/Anthropology/HRAF/Outline of Cultural Materials
SemanticVocabAfrica/Outline of Cultural Materials
SemanticAfrica/Anthropology/G.P. Murdock/Social Structure"
Emil W. Haury,1956,"Emil Walter ""Doc"" Haury (May 2, 1904 in Newton, Kansas – December 5, 1992 in Tucson, Arizona) was an influential archaeologist who specialized in the archaeology of the American Southwest.
He is most famous for his work at Snaketown, a Hohokam site in Arizona.


== Early years ==
Emil was the youngest of four children born to Professor Gustav A. Haury and Clara K. Ruth Haury.  Gustav was a professor at Bethel College a Mennonite college in Newton.  When they were both six, Emil Haury met his future first wife, Hulda Penner, when she and her family visited Newton from a nearby Mennonite community.


== College career ==
After graduating high school in 1923, Emil then attended the University of Arizona where he earned his bachelor's degree in 1927 and his M.A. in 1928.  It was during the 1928-29 school year that he earned his first teaching position.  In 1934 Haury earned his PhD from Harvard University.


== Field work and experience ==
One of the first field experiences came in 1925.  That year he was apprenticed to Byron Cummings, A.E. Douglass, and Harold Gladwin where their major work occurred at Cuicuilco right outside of Mexico City. It was at this time that he became one of Cummings' (who was at the time the acting university president) most important assistants. It was through connections made through Cummings that Haury was in attendance at the first Pecos Conference in 1927.


== Gila Pueblo ==
In 1928 the New York stockbroker turned archaeologist Harold Gladwin along with Winifred McCurdy started the Gila Pueblo Archaeological Foundation.  In 1930 Haury became the assistant director at Gila Pueblo. During his time with Gila he was able to expand his work throughout Arizona and New Mexico. It was through this extensive research that Haury became part of the group that was to define the Hohokam culture.  Thus, it helped Haury in eventually defining the Mogollon culture.
With the assistance and support from Gladwin, Haury was able to conduct large amounts of field research and publish reports.   The 1930s was a time of plenty for Haury and when some of his most famous research was conducted. Some of the excavations he conducted included the Tusayan Ruins, Canyon Creek Ruin, Mogollon and Harris Village, and arguably his most famous research at Snaketown.
Between his extensive work with Gila Pueblo, Haury also managed to earn his PhD from Harvard. His dissertation dealt with the excavations by Frank Hamilton Cushing's excavations at Los Meurtos, a Hohokam site in Arizona.


== Paleoindians in the Southwest ==
One of Haury's passions that lasted throughout his career was the presence of Paleoindians in the Southwest. He conducted several excavations at Paleoindian sites and subsequently wrote several papers on the subject.
In 1926 Pleistocene megafauna hunting in the Southwest was proven by the discoveries at Folsom, New Mexico. That same year Haury alongside Cummings began excavations at Whitewater Draw in southeastern Arizona where they excavated a mammoth skeleton which was above a deposit of artifacts from the Cochise Culture. This was Haury's first experience with Paleoindian archaeology in the Southwest.


=== Ventana Cave ===
During the late 1930s and early 1940s excavations, led by Julian Hayden and Haury, were conducted in the area of Ventana Cave in Arizona. Ventana Cave is a rock shelter with extensive stratigraphy of which the lowest layer was attributed to the Cochise culture while upper layers were attributed to more recent inhabitants. The impact of the work done by Haury and others at Vetnana cave helped in the understanding of Paleoindians in the Southwest.


=== Naco site ===
In April 1952, Haury excavated the Naco Mammoth Kill Site near Naco, Arizona, finding the fossilized bones of a mammoth that had been killed by at least 8 Clovis points about 10,000 years ago.  The Naco site was the first Clovis mammoth kill association to be identified.


=== Lehner Ranch ===
The Lehner Ranch site is a mammoth kill site in the San Pedro Valley in Cochise County in  southeast Arizona. In 1952 Haury began investigating an arroyo where a rancher, Edward F. Lehner, had observed bones sticking out from a deep layer. These bones were identified as mammoth bones. After excavating several projectile points were found in situ with the mammoth bones. Also a hearth was discovered. Lehner Ranch became another one of Haury's seminal works in Southwestern Paleoindian archaeology.


== Hohokam ==
Haury's work with the Hohokam began in 1930 when he joined Gila Pueblo. There were many questions surrounding discoveries in southern Arizona beginning with A.V. Kidder in the early 20th century to Harold and Winifred Gladwin's work up through 1930s. One of Haury's first projects after becoming the Assistant director of Gila Pueblo was to investigate a site known as Roosevelt 9:6. The importance of understanding the Hohokam was extremely important to Haury and one of his most famous projects was at Snaketown where he conducted extensive excavations and on which he eventually wrote a book.
Haury was the first to claim that the Hohokam were decedents of the Paleoindian Cochise culture. Haury was also a critical figure in the chronology of the Hohokam because of his work in establishing a timeline for the Pioneer period Hohokam. Haury was also a proponent of the idea that the Hohokam had contact with Mesoamerica.


=== Roosevelt 9:6 ===
The Roosevelt 9:6 site was a Colonial Period Hohokam site near the Salt River north of Globe, Arizona. The site came to the attention of archaeologists when pottery sherds and cremations were exposed by the recession of Roosevelt Lake. Working for Gila Pueblo alongside the Gladwins, Haury published an extensive and detailed report of the findings. This report along with those published by the Gladwins, were important in the establishment of ceramic typologies, burial techniques, and lifeways of the Hohokam.


=== Snaketown ===
By the 1960s there was a lot of controversy surrounding the Hohokam and where they fit or didn't fit chronologically. Haury decided then to re-visit a site where Gladwin had first conducted research in the 1930s. Snaketown was the epitomes Hohokam site. It was strategically placed in the proximity of the Gila River which then allowed for its famous irrigation system. Haury's re-examination of Snaketown was based around the hope that with the use of new technology, new research methods and ideas surrounding the Hohokam, that questions which had arisen since the first reports on Snaketown in the 1930s. In 1964 Haury began his reexamination which led to the publication in 1976 of one of the most influential works on the Hohokam, The Hohokam, Desert Farmers & Craftsmen: Excavations at Snaketown, 1964–1965.


== Mogollon ==
Arguably Haury's most important contribution to the archaeology of the American Southwest was his work in establishing a timeline and refining the definition of the Mogollon Culture. Much of Haury's work was conducted in the most famous Mogollon area, the Mimbres Valley of New Mexico. Early research in the area focused on the ceramics that made the valley famous, while ignoring the underlying structures and pottery types. It was Haury who, starting in the 1930s with Gila Pueblo, began to identify and understand the timeline and uniqueness of the Mogollon from their Anasazi and Hohokam neighbors.


=== Chronology ===
Haury's research in the area allowed him to be one of the first archaeologists to definitively give the Mogollon a chronological sequence. The sequences Haury established were: Early Pit House Period (200–550 C.E), Late Pit House Period (550–1000 C.E.), and Classic Mimbres Period (1000–1130 C.E.). Haury's research and findings were paramount when establishing a larger understanding the Mogollon that happened in the 1970s, as well as understanding the role of Casas Grandes in the Mogollon sequence.


=== Mogollon Village and Harris Village ===
Mogollon and Harris Villages were very much the type sites for the Mogollon Culture and are the sites that convinced Haury of its uniqueness from other Southwestern cultures.Work began on the Mogollon Village site in 1933. It is a site on the San Francisco River north of Glenwood, New Mexico in Catron County, New Mexico. During Haury's excavations eleven houses of several types were excavated. An abundance of artifacts were uncovered including pottery, clay objects, grinding stones, projectile points, as well as several burials.Harris Village was another site excavated around the same time as Mogollon Village.  The site is located in the town of Mimbres, New Mexico near the Mimbres River about 75 miles south of Mogollon Village. Thirty-four houses were excavated with variation in shape, and function (domestic, ceremonial, storage).
After the excavation and analysis of these two sites Haury was able to establish a housing typology for the Mogollon.


== Dendrochronology ==
After becoming increasingly uncomfortable with Cummings' perspective on archaeology Haury looked for other opportunities.  In 1929 he began to work for A. E. Douglass.  It was in 1929 along with Douglass and several other archaeologists that a tree ring sample was uncovered in Show Low, Arizona. It was this tree ring which helped in establishing a missing link in the ability to use tree rings as dating markers, and was the watershed moment in dendrochronology. This discovery then allowed for archaeological sites in the Southwest to be more accurately dated.


== At the University of Arizona ==
In 1937 Haury went back to the University of Arizona to head the Department of Archaeology. To broaden the scope of the department Haury changed the name to the Department of Anthropology. As well as holding his position at the university, Haury also took on the role of Director of the Arizona State Museum, which he held until 1964. The Arizona State Museum Library & Archives currently holds the Emil Haury Papers in its collections. Even after retiring, Haury kept an office at the University of Arizona and went there almost every weekday for most of the rest of his life.


== Writings ==
Throughout his career Haury published many papers and several books on archaeology and the Southwest.


=== Books ===
The Stratigraphy & Archaeology of Ventana Cave (1950) ISBN 978-0-8165-0536-4
The Hohokam, Desert Farmers & Craftsmen: Excavations at Snaketown, 1964–1965 (1976) ISBN 978-0-8165-0445-9
Mogollon Culture in the Forestdale Valley, East-Central Arizona (1985) ISBN 978-0-8165-0894-5
Emil W. Haury's Prehistory of the American Southwest (1986) ISBN 978-0-8165-0896-9
Point of Pines Arizona: A History of the University of Arizona Archaeological Field School (1989) ISBN 978-0-8165-1096-2


=== Papers ===
""Tree Rings: The Archaeologist's Time-Piece"", American Antiquity, Vol. 1, No. 2., pp. 98–108 (1935)
""The Stratigraphy of Ventana Cave, Arizona"", American Antiquity, Vol. 8, No. 3., pp. 218–223 (1943)
""Artifacts With Mammoth Remains, Naco, Arizona"", American Antiquity, Vol. 19, No. 1., pp. 1–24 (1953)
""The Lehner Mammoth Site, Southeastern Arizona"", American Antiquity, Vol. 25, No. 1., pp. 2–20 (with E.B. Sayles and William W. Wasley) (1959)


== Legacy ==
In 2004, a centennial issue of the Journal of the Southwest celebrating Haury's life and career was released.  It includes examples of Haury's own artwork, which he  used to illustrate both his field notes and letters to his future wife, Hulda.


== References ==


== External links ==
Bio from the National Academy of Sciences
Bio from Minnesota State University"
E. Adamson Hoebel,1957,"E. Adamson Hoebel (1906–1993) was Regents Professor Emeritus of anthropology at the University of Minnesota.  Having studied under Franz Boas, he held a PhD in anthropology from Columbia University. There he also attended the seminars of Karl N. Llewellyn, who taught at the Columbia Law School from 1925–1951. Llewellyn (1893–1962) was the most important figure associated with the American Legal Realism of the 1920s and 1930s, which held that the law was indeterminate on the basis of statutes and precedents alone and required study of the how disputes are resolved in practice. The ""sociological"" wing of legal realism championed by Llewellyn held that in American law dispute resolution was strongly influenced by norms such as those in mercantile practice. Llewellyn and Hoebel (1941) went to on to develop a means of determining legal practice from ethnographic description of trouble cases, including mediation and negotiation as well as adjudication.  Their ""case study method"" applied both to social systems with and without formal courts.
Hoebel taught anthropology at New York University from 1929 to 1948, and subsequently at the University of Utah, 1948 to 1954, where he was also dean of the University College (Arts and Sciences). He served as a Fulbright professor in anthropology at Oxford and law at Catholic University of Leuven. He retired in 1972 as Regents' Professor of Anthropology at the University of Minnesota after teaching there for 18 years, 15 of them as head of the department. He served as president of the American Ethnological Society and the American Anthropological Association.
Between 1933 and 1949, Hoebel studied the legal systems of the Northern Cheyenne, Northern Shoshone, Comanche, and Pueblo people, and the legal system of Pakistan in 1961. He was a close friend and colleague of Max Gluckman, founder of the Manchester School of British Social Anthropology. Gluckman, also given to a realist orientation to the study of law, used and further developed Llewellyn that Hoebel's ""case study method"" of analysis of instances of social interaction to infer rules and assumptions used in trouble cases, and the influence of social norms and conflicts outside the law. The behavioral ""case study"" approach has continued and expanded in later anthropological works such as Network Analysis and Ethnographic Problems (2005).
His books include Anthropology: The Study of Man (1949), which was a widely used textbook for decades, and The Cheyennes: Indians of the Great Plains (1961).
The books of which he was a co-author include The Cheyenne Way: Conflict and Case Law in Primitive Jurisprudence (1941; 1st author, with legal scholar Llewellyn), and The Comanches: Lords of the South Plains (1952; 2nd author with Texas historian Ernest Wallace).
In 1954 Hoebel contributed his major book on legal anthropology, The Law of Primitive Man: A Study in Comparative Legal Dynamics, on broadening the legal realist tradition to include non-Western nations. In doing so, he concluded with a statement about the need for contributions from the comparative legal realism tradition if progress was to be made toward world governance. Eclipsed by the cold war, even the legal realist concepts of what constitutes law and government have failed to make an impact on political science and the concept of the state in the contemporary period. Hoebel's working definition of what is law is worth citing: ""A social norm is legal if its neglect or infraction is regularly met, in threat or in fact, by the application of physical force by an individual or group possessing the socially recognized privilege of so acting."" Because ""government without law is limited to the administration of services"", one of the implications of the legal realist tradition is that it is not necessarily in the capital city that one must look to define the government of a modern nation but to how the law ""will develop its shape in the arena of action,"" ""hammered out as specific issues catalyze action for the trouble case at hand."" Hoebel's definition, unlike that of neoconservative thought and its invocation of Leo Strauss for justification of government deception, is that to be legal, law must be based on social norms, and norms on agreements within communities, rather than the dominance of the few.


== References ==
Hoebel, Adamson E. (1954). The Law of Primitive Man. Harvard, Massachusetts: Atheneum.
Hoebel, Adamson E. (1978). The Cheyennes. Belmont, California: Wadsworth Group/Thomson Learning.
E. Adamson Hoebel Papers 1925–1983


== Footnotes =="
Harry Hoijer,1958,"Harry Hoijer (September 6, 1904 – March 11, 1976) was a linguist and anthropologist who worked on primarily Athabaskan languages and culture. He additionally documented the Tonkawa language, which is now extinct. Hoijer's few works make up the bulk of material on this language. Hoijer was a student of Edward Sapir.
Hoijer contributed greatly to the documentation of the Southern and Pacific Coast Athabaskan languages and to the reconstruction of proto-Athabaskan. Harry Hoijer collected a large number of valuable fieldnotes on many Athabaskan languages, which are unpublished. Some of his notes on Lipan Apache and the Tonkawa language are lost.
Hoijer coined the term ""Sapir–Whorf hypothesis"".


== Notes ==


== Bibliography ==


== External links ==
Harry Hoijer (a very short bio)
Harry Hoijer Collection (American Philosophical Society)
Chiricahua and Mescalero Apache Texts (by Harry Hoijer & Morris Opler)"
Sol Tax,1959,"Sol Tax (30 October 1907 – 4 January 1995) was an American anthropologist.  He is best known for creating action anthropology and his studies of the Meskwaki, or Fox, Indians, for ""action-anthropological"" research titled the Fox Project, and for founding the academic journal Current Anthropology. He received his doctorate from the University of Chicago in 1935 and, together with Fred Eggan, was a student of Alfred Radcliffe-Brown.
Tax grew up in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. During his formative years he was involved in a number of social clubs. Among these was the Newsboys Republic with which his first encounter was when he was ""arrested"" for breaking their rules. Tax began his undergraduate education at the University of Chicago but had to leave for lack of funds.  He returned to school at the University of Wisconsin–Madison, where he studied with Ralph Linton.  He later taught at the University of Chicago. Tax was a mentor to noted anthropologist Joan Ablon at the University of Chicago.
He was the main organizer for the 1959 Darwin Centennial Celebration held at the University of Chicago.
He was an organizer, along with the National Congress of American Indians, for the 1961 American Indian Chicago Conference.  He assisted in authoring the resulting Statement of Indian Purpose, the first major statement of the policy of tribal self-determination.
The American Anthropological Association presented to him and Bela Maday its Franz Boas award for exemplary service to anthropology in 1977. He was the association's president in 1959.


== Action Anthropology ==
Sol Tax is known as a founder of ""Action Anthropology"", a school of anthropological thought that forwent the traditional doctrine of non-interference in favor of co-equal goals of ""learning and helping"" from studied cultures.


== Works ==
(1937, revised 1955) contributions to Social Anthropology of North American Tribes, ed. by Fred Eggan. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Rubinstein, Robert A., ed. 2001. Doing Fieldwork: The Correspondence of Robert Redfield and Sol Tax, New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books.
(1953, revised 1972) Penny Capitalism; a Guatemalan Indian economy ISBN 978-0-374-97785-6. Tax is said to have coined the term 'Penny capitalism'.
(1988) Pride and Puzzlement: A Retro-introspective Record of 60 Years of Anthropology Annual Review of Anthropology


== See also ==
Bronislaw Malinowski Award


== References ==


== External links ==
Sol Tax - Fort Berthold Action Anthropology Project, National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution
Sol Tax - Fox field notes and Fox Project records 1932–1959, National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution
Obituary: Sol Tax, Anthropology
Tax, Sol. 1963. Penny Capitalism: A Guatemalan Indian Economy. The University of Chicago Press.
Guide to the Sol Tax Papers 1923-1989 at the University of Chicago Special Collections Research Center
Guide to the Native American Educational Services Sol Tax Papers 1908-1993 at the University of Chicago Special Collections Research Center"
Margaret Mead,1960,"Margaret Mead (December 16, 1901 – November 15, 1978) was an American cultural anthropologist who featured frequently as an author and speaker in the mass media during the 1960s and 1970s. She earned her bachelor's degree at Barnard College in New York City and her MA and PhD degrees from Columbia University. Mead served as President of the American Association for the Advancement of Science in 1975.Mead was a communicator of anthropology in modern American and Western culture and was often controversial as an academic. Her reports detailing the attitudes towards sex in South Pacific and Southeast Asian traditional cultures influenced the 1960s sexual revolution. She was a proponent of broadening sexual conventions within the context of Western cultural traditions.


== Birth, early family life, and education ==
Margaret Mead, the first of five children, was born in Philadelphia, but raised in nearby Doylestown, Pennsylvania. Her father, Edward Sherwood Mead, was a professor of finance at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania,  and her mother, Emily (née Fogg) Mead, was a sociologist who studied Italian immigrants. Her sister Katharine (1906–1907) died at the age of nine months. This was a traumatic event for Mead, who had named the girl, and thoughts of her lost sister permeated her daydreams for many years. Her family moved frequently, so her early education was directed by her grandmother until, at age 11, she was enrolled by her family at Buckingham Friends School in Lahaska, Pennsylvania. Her family owned the Longland farm from 1912 to 1926. Born into a family of various religious outlooks, she searched for a form of religion that gave an expression of the faith that she had been formally acquainted with, Christianity. In doing so, she found the rituals of the Episcopal Church to fit the expression of religion she was seeking. Mead studied one year, 1919, at DePauw University, then transferred to Barnard College where she found anthropology mired in ""the stupid underbrush of nineteenth century arguments.""Mead earned her bachelor's degree from Barnard in 1923, then began studying with professor Franz Boas and Ruth Benedict at Columbia University, earning her master's degree in 1924. Mead set out in 1925 to do fieldwork in Samoa.  In 1926, she joined the American Museum of Natural History, New York City, as assistant curator.  She received her PhD from Columbia University in 1929.


== Personal life ==
Before departing for Samoa, Mead had a short affair with the linguist Edward Sapir, a close friend of her instructor Ruth Benedict. But Sapir's conservative ideas about marriage and the woman's role were unacceptable to Mead, and as Mead left to do field work in Samoa the two separated permanently. Mead received news of Sapir's remarriage while living in Samoa, where, on a beach, she later burned their correspondence.Mead was married three times. After a six-year engagement, she married her first husband (1923–1928) American Luther Cressman, a theology student at the time who eventually became an anthropologist. Between 1925 and 1926 she was in Samoa returning wherefrom on the boat she met Reo Fortune, a New Zealander headed to Cambridge, England, to study psychology. They were married in 1928, after Mead's divorce from Cressman. Mead dismissively characterized her union with her first husband as ""my student marriage"" in her 1972 autobiography Blackberry Winter, a sobriquet with which Cressman took vigorous issue. Mead's third and longest-lasting marriage (1936–1950) was to the British anthropologist Gregory Bateson, with whom she had a daughter, Mary Catherine Bateson, who would also become an anthropologist.
Mead's pediatrician was Benjamin Spock, whose subsequent writings on child rearing incorporated some of Mead's own practices and beliefs acquired from her ethnological field observations which she shared with him; in particular, breastfeeding on the baby's demand rather than a schedule.  She readily acknowledged that Gregory Bateson was the husband she loved the most. She was devastated when he left her, and she remained his loving friend ever after, keeping his photograph by her bedside wherever she traveled, including beside her hospital deathbed. 

Mead also had an exceptionally close relationship with Ruth Benedict, one of her instructors. In her memoir about her parents, With a Daughter's Eye, Mary Catherine Bateson implies that the relationship between Benedict and Mead was partly sexual. Mead never openly identified herself as lesbian or bisexual. In her writings, she proposed that it is to be expected that an individual's sexual orientation may evolve throughout life.She spent her last years in a close personal and professional collaboration with anthropologist Rhoda Metraux, with whom she lived from 1955 until her death in 1978. Letters between the two published in 2006 with the permission of Mead's daughter clearly express a romantic relationship.Mead had two sisters and a brother, Elizabeth, Priscilla, and Richard. Elizabeth Mead (1909–1983), an artist and teacher, married cartoonist William Steig, and Priscilla Mead (1911–1959) married author Leo Rosten. Mead's brother, Richard, was a professor. Mead was also the aunt of Jeremy Steig.


== Career and later life ==

During World War II, Mead served as executive secretary of the National Research Council's Committee on Food Habits. She served as curator of ethnology at the American Museum of Natural History from 1946 to 1969. She was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1948. She taught at The New School and Columbia University, where she was an adjunct professor from 1954 to 1978 and was a professor of anthropology and chair of the Division of Social Sciences at Fordham University's Lincoln Center campus from 1968 to 1970, founding their anthropology department. In 1970, she joined the faculty of the University of Rhode Island as a Distinguished Professor of Sociology and Anthropology.Following Ruth Benedict's example, Mead focused her research on problems of child rearing, personality, and culture. She served as president of the Society for Applied Anthropology in 1950 and of the American Anthropological Association in 1960. In the mid-1960s, Mead joined forces with communications theorist Rudolf Modley, jointly establishing an organization called Glyphs Inc., whose goal was to create  a universal graphic symbol language to be understood by any members of culture, no matter how primitive. In the 1960s, Mead served as the Vice President of the New York Academy of Sciences. She held various positions in the American Association for the Advancement of Science, notably president in 1975 and chair of the executive committee of the board of directors in 1976. She was a recognizable figure in academia, usually wearing a distinctive cape and carrying a walking-stick.Mead was featured on two record albums published by Folkways Records. The first, released in 1959, An Interview With Margaret Mead, explored the topics of morals and anthropology. In 1971, she was included in a compilation of talks by prominent women, But the Women Rose, Vol.2: Voices of Women in American History.She is credited with the term ""semiotics"", making it a noun.In later life, Mead was a mentor to many young anthropologists and sociologists, including Jean Houston.In 1976, Mead was a key participant at UN Habitat I, the first UN forum on human settlements.
Mead died of pancreatic cancer on November 15, 1978, and is buried at Trinity Episcopal Church Cemetery, Buckingham, Pennsylvania.


== Work ==


=== Coming of Age in Samoa (1928) ===

In the foreword to Coming of Age in Samoa, Mead's advisor, Franz Boas, wrote of its significance:

Courtesy, modesty, good manners, conformity to definite ethical standards are universal, but what constitutes courtesy, modesty, very good manners, and definite ethical standards is not universal.  It is instructive to know that standards differ in the most unexpected ways.
Mead's findings suggested that the community ignores both boys and girls until they are about 15 or 16. Before then, children have no social standing within the community. Mead also found that marriage is regarded as a social and economic arrangement where wealth, rank, and job skills of the husband and wife are taken into consideration.

In 1983, five years after Mead had died, New Zealand anthropologist Derek Freeman published Margaret Mead and Samoa: The Making and Unmaking of an Anthropological Myth, in which he challenged Mead's major findings about sexuality in Samoan society. Freeman's book was controversial in its turn: later in 1983 a special session of Mead's supporters in the American Anthropological Association (to which Freeman was not invited) declared it to be ""poorly written, unscientific, irresponsible and misleading.""In 1999, Freeman published another book, The Fateful Hoaxing of Margaret Mead: A Historical Analysis of Her Samoan Research, including previously unavailable material. In his obituary in The New York Times, John Shaw stated that his thesis, though upsetting many, had by the time of his death generally gained widespread acceptance. Recent work has nonetheless challenged his critique. A frequent criticism of Freeman is that he regularly misrepresented Mead's research and views. In a 2009 evaluation of the debate, anthropologist Paul Shankman concluded that:

There is now a large body of criticism of Freeman's work from a number of perspectives in which Mead, Samoa, and anthropology appear in a very different light than they do in Freeman's work. Indeed, the immense significance that Freeman gave his critique looks like 'much ado about nothing' to many of his critics.
While nurture-oriented anthropologists are more inclined to agree with Mead's conclusions, there are other non-anthropologists who take a nature-oriented approach following Freeman's lead, among them Harvard psychologist Steven Pinker, biologist Richard Dawkins, evolutionary psychologist David Buss, science writer Matt Ridley and classicist Mary Lefkowitz. The philosopher Peter Singer has also criticized Mead in his book A Darwinian Left, where he states that ""Freeman compiles a convincing case that Mead had misunderstood Samoan customs"".In 1996, author Martin Orans examined Mead's notes preserved at the Library of Congress, and credits her for leaving all of her recorded data available to the general public. Orans point out that Freeman's basic criticisms, that Mead was duped by ceremonial virgin Fa'apua'a Fa'amu (who later swore to Freeman that she had played a joke on Mead) were equivocal for several reasons: first, Mead was well aware of the forms and frequency of Samoan joking; second, she provided a careful account of the sexual restrictions on ceremonial virgins that corresponds to Fa'apua'a Fa'auma'a's account to Freeman, and third, that Mead's notes make clear that she had reached her conclusions about Samoan sexuality before meeting Fa'apua'a Fa'amu.   Orans points out that Mead's data support several different conclusions, and that Mead's conclusions hinge on an interpretive, rather than positivist, approach to culture. Orans goes on to point out, concerning Mead's work elsewhere, that her own notes do not support her published conclusive claims.  However, there are still those who claim Mead was hoaxed, including Peter Singer and zoologist David Attenborough. Evaluating Mead's work in Samoa from a positivist stance, Martin Orans' assessment of the controversy was that Mead did not formulate her research agenda in scientific terms, and that ""her work may properly be damned with the harshest scientific criticism of all, that it is 'not even wrong'.""The Intercollegiate Review [1], published by the Intercollegiate Studies Institute which promotes conservative thought on college campuses, listed the book as No. 1 on its The Fifty Worst Books of the Century list.


=== Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies (1935) ===
Another influential book by Mead was Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies. This became a major cornerstone of the feminist movement, since it claimed that females are dominant in the Tchambuli (now spelled Chambri) Lake region of the Sepik basin of Papua New Guinea (in the western Pacific) without causing any special problems. The lack of male dominance may have been the result of the Australian administration's outlawing of warfare. According to contemporary research, males are dominant throughout Melanesia (although some believe that female witches have special powers). Others have argued that there is still much cultural variation throughout Melanesia, and especially in the large island of New Guinea. Moreover, anthropologists often overlook the significance of networks of political influence among females.  The formal male-dominated institutions typical of some areas of high population density were not, for example, present in the same way in Oksapmin, West Sepik Province, a more sparsely populated area. Cultural patterns there were different from, say, Mt. Hagen. They were closer to those described by Mead.
Mead stated that the Arapesh people, also in the Sepik, were pacifists, although she noted that they do on occasion engage in warfare. Her observations about the sharing of garden plots among the Arapesh, the egalitarian emphasis in child rearing, and her documentation of predominantly peaceful relations among relatives are very different from the ""big man"" displays of dominance that were documented in more stratified New Guinea cultures—e.g. by Andrew Strathern. They are a different cultural pattern.
In brief, her comparative study revealed a full range of contrasting gender roles:

""Among the Arapesh, both men and women were peaceful in temperament and neither men nor women made war.
""Among the Mundugumor, the opposite was true:  both men and women were warlike in temperament.
""And the Tchambuli were different from both.  The men 'primped' and spent their time decorating themselves while the women worked and were the practical ones—the opposite of how it seemed in early 20th century America.""Deborah Gewertz (1981) studied the Chambri (called Tchambuli by Mead) in 1974–1975 and found no evidence of such gender roles. Gewertz states that as far back in history as there is evidence (1850s) Chambri men dominated over the women, controlled their produce and made all important political decisions. In later years there has been a diligent search for societies in which women dominate men, or for signs of such past societies, but none have been found (Bamberger, 1974). Jessie Bernard criticised Mead's interpretations of her findings, arguing that Mead was biased in her descriptions due to use of subjective descriptions. Bernard argues that while Mead claimed the Mundugumor women were temperamentally identical to men, her reports indicate that there were in fact sex differences; Mundugumor women hazed each other less than men hazed each other, they made efforts to make themselves physically desirable to others, married women had fewer affairs than married men, women were not taught to use weapons, women were used less as hostages and Mundugumor men engaged in physical fights more often than women. Conversely, the Arapesh were also described as equal in temperament, yet Bernard states that Mead's own writings indicate that men fought physically over women, yet women did not fight physically over men, despite the two being supposedly equal in temperament. The Arapesh also seemed to have some conception of sex differences in temperament, as they would sometimes describe a woman as acting like a particularly quarrelsome man. Bernard also questioned if the behaviour of men and women in these societies differed as much from Western behaviour as Mead claimed it did, arguing that some of her descriptions could be equally descriptive of a Western context.Despite its feminist roots, Mead's work on women and men was also criticized by Betty Friedan 
on the basis that it contributes to infantilizing women.


=== Other research areas ===
In 1926, there was much debate about race and intelligence. Mead felt the methodologies involved in the experimental psychology research supporting arguments of racial superiority in intelligence were substantially flawed. In ""The Methodology of Racial Testing: Its Significance for Sociology"" Mead proposes that there are three problems with testing for racial differences in intelligence. First, there are concerns with the ability to validly equate one's test score with what Mead refers to as racial admixture or how much Negro or Indian blood an individual possesses. She also considers whether this information is relevant when interpreting IQ scores. Mead remarks that a genealogical method could be considered valid if it could be ""subjected to extensive verification"". In addition, the experiment would need a steady control group to establish whether racial admixture was actually affecting intelligence scores. Next, Mead argues that it is difficult to measure the effect that social status has on the results of a person's intelligence test. By this she meant that  environment (i.e., family structure, socioeconomic status, exposure to language) has too much influence on an individual to attribute inferior scores solely to a physical characteristic such as race. Lastly, Mead adds that language barriers sometimes create the biggest problem of all. Similarly, Stephen J. Gould finds three main problems with intelligence testing, in his 1981 book The Mismeasure of Man, that relate to Mead's view of the problem of determining whether there are indeed racial differences in intelligence.In 1929 Mead and Fortune visited Manus, now the northern-most province of Papua New Guinea, travelling there by boat from Rabaul. She amply describes her stay there in her autobiography and it is mentioned in her 1984 biography by Jane Howard. On Manus she studied the Manus people of the south coast village of Peri. ""Over the next five decades Mead would come back oftener to Peri than to any other field site of her career.Mead has been credited with persuading the American Jewish Committee to sponsor a project to study European Jewish villages, shtetls, in which a team of researchers would conduct mass interviews with Jewish immigrants living in New York City. The resulting book, widely cited for decades, allegedly created the Jewish mother stereotype, a mother intensely loving but controlling to the point of smothering, and engendering guilt in her children through the suffering she professed to undertake for their sakes.Mead worked for the RAND Corporation, a U.S. Air Force military funded private research organization, from 1948 to 1950 to study Russian culture and attitudes toward authority.

As an Anglican Christian, Mead played a considerable part in the drafting of the 1979 American Episcopal Book of Common Prayer.


== Controversy ==
After her death, Mead's Samoan research was criticized by anthropologist Derek Freeman, who published a book that argued against many of Mead's conclusions. Freeman argued that Mead had misunderstood Samoan culture when she argued that Samoan culture did not place many restrictions on youths' sexual explorations. Freeman argued instead that Samoan culture prized female chastity and virginity and that Mead had been misled by her female Samoan informants. Freeman's critique was met with a considerable backlash and harsh criticism from the anthropology community, whereas it was received enthusiastically by communities of scientists who believed that sexual mores were more or less universal across cultures. Some anthropologists who studied Samoan culture argued in favor of Freeman's findings and contradicted those of Mead, whereas others argued that Freeman's work did not invalidate Mead's work because Samoan culture had been changed by the integration of Christianity in the decades between Mead's and Freeman's fieldwork periods. While Mead was careful to shield the identity of all her subjects for confidentiality Freeman was able to find and interview one of her original participants, and Freeman reported that she admitted to having wilfully misled Mead. She said that she and her friends were having fun with Mead and telling her stories.On the whole, anthropologists have rejected the notion that Mead's conclusions rested on the validity of a single interview with a single person, finding instead that Mead based her conclusions on the sum of her observations and interviews during her time in Samoa, and that the status of the single interview did not falsify her work. Some anthropologists have however maintained that even though Freeman's critique was invalid, Mead's study was not sufficiently scientifically rigorous to support the conclusions she drew.In her 2015 book Galileo's Middle Finger, Alice Dreger argues that Freeman's accusations were unfounded and misleading. A detailed review of the controversy by Paul Shankman, published by the University of Wisconsin Press in 2009, supports the contention that Mead's research was essentially correct, and concludes that Freeman cherry-picked his data and misrepresented both Mead and Samoan culture.


== Legacy ==
In 1976, Mead was inducted into the National Women's Hall of Fame.On January 19, 1979, President Jimmy Carter announced that he was awarding the Presidential Medal of Freedom posthumously to Mead. UN Ambassador Andrew Young presented the award to Mead's daughter at a special program honoring Mead's contributions, sponsored by the American Museum of Natural History, where she spent many years of her career. The citation read:
Margaret Mead was both a student of civilization and an exemplar of it. To a public of millions, she brought the central insight of cultural anthropology: that varying cultural patterns express an underlying human unity. She mastered her discipline, but she also transcended it. Intrepid, independent, plain spoken, fearless, she remains a model for the young and a teacher from whom all may learn.
In 1979, the Supersisters trading card set was produced and distributed; one of the cards featured Mead's name and picture.The 2014 novel Euphoria by Lily King is a fictionalized account of Mead's love/marital relationships with fellow anthropologists Reo Fortune and Gregory Bateson in pre-WWII New Guinea.In addition, there are several schools named after Mead in the United States: a junior high school in Elk Grove Village, Illinois, an elementary school in Sammamish, Washington and another in Sheepshead Bay, Brooklyn, New York.The USPS issued a stamp of face value 32¢ on May 28, 1998, as part of the Celebrate the Century stamp sheet series.In the 1967 musical Hair, her name is given to a tranvestite 'tourist' disturbing the show with the song 'My Conviction'.


== Publications by Mead ==
Note: See also Margaret Mead: The Complete Bibliography 1925–1975, Joan Gordan, ed., The Hague: Mouton.


=== As a sole author ===
Coming of Age in Samoa (1928)
Growing Up In New Guinea (1930)
The Changing Culture of an Indian Tribe (1932)
Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies (1935)
And Keep Your Powder Dry: An Anthropologist Looks at America (1942)
Male and Female (1949)
New Lives for Old: Cultural Transformation in Manus, 1928–1953 (1956)
People and Places (1959; a book for young readers)
Continuities in Cultural Evolution (1964)
Culture and Commitment (1970)
The Mountain Arapesh: Stream of events in Alitoa (1971)
Blackberry Winter: My Earlier Years (1972; autobiography)


=== As editor or coauthor ===
Balinese Character: A Photographic Analysis, with Gregory Bateson, 1942, New York Academy of Sciences.
Soviet Attitudes Toward Authority (1951)
Cultural Patterns and Technical Change, editor (1953)
Primitive Heritage: An Anthropological Anthology, edited with Nicholas Calas (1953)
An Anthropologist at Work, editor (1959, reprinted 1966; a volume of Ruth Benedict's writings)
The Study of Culture At A Distance, edited with Rhoda Metraux, 1953
Themes in French Culture, with Rhoda Metraux, 1954
The Wagon and the Star: A Study of American Community Initiative co-authored with Muriel Whitbeck Brown, 1966
A Rap on Race, with James Baldwin, 1971
A Way of Seeing, with Rhoda Metraux, 1975


== See also ==

Tim Asch
Gregory Bateson
Ray Birdwhistell
Macy Conferences
Elsie Clews Parsons
Visual anthropology
Zora Neale Hurston
75½ Bedford St


== References ==


== Bibliography ==
Acciaioli, Gregory, ed. (1983). ""Fact and Context in Etnography: The Samoa Controversy (special edition)"". Canberra Anthropology. 6 (1): 1–97. ISSN 0314-9099.CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
Appell, George (1984). ""Freeman's Refutation of Mead's Coming of Age in Samoa: The Implications for Anthropological Inquiry"". Eastern Anthropology. 37: 183–214.
Bateson, Mary Catherine. (1984) With a Daughter's Eye: A Memoir of Margaret Mead and Gregory Bateson, New York: William Morrow. ISBN 978-0-688-03962-2
Brady, Ivan (1991). ""The Samoa Reader: Last Word or Lost Horizon?"" (PDF). Current Anthropology. 32 (4): 263–282. doi:10.1086/203989. JSTOR 2743829.
Caffey, Margaret M., and Patricia A. Francis, eds. (2006). To Cherish the Life of the World:  Selected Letters of Margaret Mead.  New York: Basic Books.
Caton, Hiram, ed. (1990) The Samoa Reader: Anthropologists Take Stock, University Press of America. ISBN 978-0-8191-7720-9
Feinberg, Richard (1988). ""Margaret Mead and Samoa: Coming of Age in Fact and Fiction"". American Anthropologist. 90 (3): 656–663. doi:10.1525/aa.1988.90.3.02a00080.
Foerstel, Leonora, and Angela Gilliam, eds. (1992). Confronting the Margaret Mead Legacy: Scholarship, Empire and the South Pacific. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.
Freeman, Derek. (1983) Margaret Mead and Samoa, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-54830-5
Freeman, Derek. (1999) The Fateful Hoaxing of Margaret Mead: A Historical Analysis of Her Samoan Research[2], Boulder, CO: Westview Press. ISBN 978-0-8133-3693-0
Goldfrank, Esther Schiff (1983). ""Another View. Margaret and Me"". Ethnohistory. 30 (1): 1–14. doi:10.2307/481499. JSTOR 481499.
Holmes, Lowell D. (1987). Quest for the Real Samoa: the Mead/Freeman Controversy and Beyond. South Hadley, MA: Bergin and Garvey.
Howard, Jane. (1984). Margaret Mead: A Life, New York: Simon and Schuster.
Keeley, Lawrence (1996). War Before Civilization: the Myth of the Peaceful Savage (Oxford University Press). ISBN 978-0-19-511912-1
Lapsley, Hilary. (1999). Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict: The Kinship of Women. University of Massachusetts Press. ISBN 978-1-55849-181-6
Leacock, Eleanor (1988). ""Anthropologists in Search of a Culture: Margaret Mead, Derek Freeman and All the Rest of Us"". Central Issues in Anthropology. 8 (1): 3–20. doi:10.1525/cia.1988.8.1.3.
Levy, Robert (1984). ""Mead, Freeman, and Samoa: The Problem of Seeing Things as They Are"". Ethos. 12: 85–92. doi:10.1525/eth.1984.12.1.02a00060.
Lutkehaus, Nancy C. (2008). Margaret Mead: The Making of an American Icon. Princeton: Princeton University Press.  ISBN 978-0-691-00941-4
Mageo, Jeannette (1988). ""Malosi: A Psychological Exploration of Mead's and Freeman's Work and of Samoan Aggression"". Pacific Studies. 11 (2): 25–65.
Mandler, Peter (2013). Return from the Natives: How Margaret Mead Won the Second World War and Lost the Cold War. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Marshall, Mac. (1993). ""The Wizard from Oz Meets the Wicked Witch of the East: Freeman, Mead, and Ethnographic Authority"". American Ethnologist. 20 (3): 604–617. doi:10.1525/ae.1993.20.3.02a00080.

Mead, Margaret (1972). Blackberry Winter: My Earlier Years. New York: William Morrow. ISBN 978-0-688-00051-6.
Mead, Margaret. 1977. The Future as Frame for the Present. Audio recording of a lecture delivered July 11, 1977.
Metraux, Rhoda (1980). ""Margaret Mead. A Biographical Sketch"". American Anthropologist. 82 (2): 262–269. doi:10.1525/aa.1980.82.2.02a00010. JSTOR 675870.
Nardi, Bonnie; Mead, Margaret; Freeman, Derek (1984). ""The Height of Her Powers: Margaret Mead's Samoa"". Feminist Studies. 10 (2): 323–337. doi:10.2307/3177870. JSTOR 3177870.
Moore, Jerry D. (2004). Visions of Culture: An Introduction to Anthropological Theories and Theorists. Rowman Altamira. p. 105. ISBN 978-0-7591-0411-2.
Patience, Allan; Josephy Smith (1987). ""Derek Freeman in Samoa: The Making and Unmaking of a Biobehavioral Myth"". American Anthropologist. 88: 157–162. doi:10.1525/aa.1986.88.1.02a00160.
Paxman, David B. (1988). ""Freeman, Mead, and the Eighteenth-Century Controversy over Polynesian Society"". Pacific Studies. 11 (3): 1–19.
Pinker, Steven A. (1997). How the Mind Works. ISBN 978-0-393-04535-2
Sandall, Roger. (2001) The Culture Cult: Designer Tribalism and Other Essays. ISBN 978-0-8133-3863-7
Scheper-Hughes, Nancy (1984). ""The Margaret Mead Controversy: Culture, Biology, and Anthropological Inquiry"". Human Organization. 43 (1): 85–93. doi:10.17730/humo.43.1.362253166r6173m4. Archived from the original on January 28, 2013.
Shankman, Paul (1996). ""The History of Samoan Sexual Conduct and the Mead-Freeman Controversy"". American Anthropologist. 98 (3): 555–567. doi:10.1525/aa.1996.98.3.02a00090.
Shankman, Paul (2009). The Trashing of Margaret Mead: Anatomy of an Anthropological Controversy. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 978-0-299-23454-6.
Shore, Brad. (1982) Sala'ilua: A Samoan Mystery. New York: Columbia University Press.
Stassinos, Elizabeth (1998). ""Response to Visweswaren, 'Race and the culture of anthropology'"". American Anthropologist. 100 (4): 981–983. doi:10.1525/aa.1998.100.4.981.
Stassinos, Elizabeth (2009). ""An Early Case of Personality: Ruth Benedict's Autobiographical Fragment and the Case of the Biblical ""Boaz"""". Histories of Anthropology Annual. 5: 28–51. doi:10.1353/haa.0.0063. ISSN 1557-637X.
Virginia, Mary E. (2003). Benedict, Ruth (1887–1948). DISCovering U.S. History online edition, Detroit: Gale.
Young, R.E.; S. Juan. (1985). ""Freeman's Margaret Mead Myth: The Ideological Virginity of Anthropologists"". Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology. 21 (1): 64–81. doi:10.1177/144078338502100104.


== External links ==
Online video: Margaret Mead and Samoa on YouTube.  Documentary about the Mead-Freeman controversy, including an interview with one of Mead's original informants.
Creative Intelligence: Female - ""The Silent Revolution: Creative Man In Contemporary Society"" Talk at UC Berkeley, 1962 (online audio file)
The Institute for Intercultural Studies – ethnographic institute founded by Mead, with resources relating to Mead's work
Margaret Mead biography at IIS. Visited on May 15, 2014.
Library of Congress, Margaret Mead: Human Nature and the Power of Culture
American Museum of Natural History, Margaret Mead Film & Video Festival
Works by or about Margaret Mead in libraries (WorldCat catalog)
""Margaret Mead, 1901–1978: A Public Face of Anthropology"": brief biography, Voice of America. Visited on May 15, 2014.
National Academy of Sciences Biographical Memoir
The Dell Paperback Collection at the Library of Congress has first edition paperbacks of Mead's works."
Gordon R. Willey,1961,"Gordon Randolph Willey (7 March 1913 – 28 April 2002) was an American archaeologist who was described by colleagues as the ""dean"" of New World archaeology. Willey performed fieldwork at excavations in South America, Central America and the Southeastern United States; and pioneered the development and methodology for settlement patterns theories. He worked as an anthropologist for the Smithsonian Institution and as a professor at Harvard University.


== Early life and education ==
Gordon Randolph Willey was born in Chariton, Iowa. His family moved to California when he was twelve-years-old, and he completed his secondary education at Long Beach. Willey attended the University of Arizona where he earned Bachelors (1935) and Masters (1936) degrees in anthropology. He earned a PhD from Columbia University.


== Career ==
After completing his studies at Arizona, Willey moved to Macon, Georgia to perform field work for Arthur R. Kelly. Along with James A. Ford, Willey helped implement and refine ceramic stratigraphy, a concept new to Georgian archaeological sites. Willey also worked at the historic site of Kasita, on the Georgia Piedmont near Fort Benning. In 1938, Willey published an article entitled ""Time Studies: Pottery and Trees in Georgia.""   In the early part of 1939, Willey worked at the Lamar Mounds and Village Site (inhabited from c. 1350 to 1600 CE) near Macon and identified relationships between Lamar and the Swift Creek (around 100–800 CE) and Late Woodland period Napier Phase (900–1000 CE) sites.
In the fall of 1939, Willey entered Columbia University for doctoral studies.  After receiving his Ph.D., Willey worked as an anthropologist for the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C..
In 1941, together with Marshall T. Newman, Willey conducted research at Ancon (archaeological site) in Peru, including in the area of Las Colinas.
In 1950, he accepted the Bowditch Professorship of Mexican and Central American Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard University.
Willey headed archaeological expeditions in Peru, Panama, Nicaragua, Belize and Honduras. He discovered Monagrillo ceramics, the earliest known pottery in Panama. He became widely cited for his study and development of theories about the pattern of settlements of native societies. In particular, his study of settlement patterns in the Viru Valley of Peru exemplified Processual archaeology because it focused on the function of small satellite settlements and ceramic scattered across a landscape rather than pottery chronologies.


== Honors ==
In 1973, Willey received the Gold Medal Award for Distinguished Archaeological Achievement from the Archaeological Institute of America. He was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1952. He was also awarded the Kidder Award for Eminence in the Field of American Archaeology from the American Anthropological Association and the Huxley Medal from the Royal Anthropological Institute. He was given honorary doctorates by the University of Arizona and the University of Cambridge. In 1987, Willey received the Golden Plate Award of the American Academy of Achievement.Add in: He was a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries of London from 1956, and its first Honorary Vice-President. He was awarded the Society's Gold Medal in 2000. (See obituary in The Times, London, May 1, 2002)


== Personal life ==
Willey married Katharine W. Whaley in 1939. They were married for 63 years and had two daughters. Willey died of heart failure in Cambridge, Massachusetts at the age of 89.


== Selected works ==
Archaeology of the Florida Gulf Coast, 1949
Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Viru Valley, Peru, 1953
Method and Theory in American Archaeology (with Philip Phillips), 1958
A History of American Archaeology (with Jeremy Sabloff), 1980


== See also ==
Ceramics of indigenous peoples of the Americas
Mesoamerican chronology
Mississippian culture pottery — 800 to 1600 CE.
Speculative Period, term he coined to describe the early period of North American archaeology


== Notes ==


=== References ===


== External links ==
Works by or about Gordon Willey in libraries (WorldCat catalog)"
Sherwood L. Washburn,1962,"Sherwood Larned Washburn ((1911-11-26)November 26, 1911 – (2000-04-16)April 16, 2000), nicknamed ""Sherry"", was an American physical anthropologist and pioneer in the field of primatology, opening it to the study of primates in their natural habitats. His research and influence in the comparative analysis of primate behaviors to theories of human origins established a new course of study within the field of human evolution.


== Biography ==
He was born and raised in Cambridge, Massachusetts to Henry Bradford Washburn, Sr., dean of the Episcopal Theological School in Cambridge, and Edith Buckingham Hall. He was the younger brother of Henry Bradford Washburn. In his youth, Washburn took a keen interest in the field of natural history, and during school vacations worked with exhibits and collections in Harvard’s Museum of Comparative Zoology.
Washburn graduated summa cum laude from Harvard University with a bachelor's degree in Anthropology in 1935, followed by a Ph.D. in Anthropology in 1940. For a time, Washburn considered pursuing his doctorate in zoology, and in his first year in graduate school, worked as an assistant with a zoological expedition in southern Asia called the Asiatic Primate Expedition. His work as a graduate student in comparative anatomy, comparative psychology, animal locomotion mechanics, and paleontology helped shape in him a multi-disciplinary perspective toward the study of evolutionary origins.
Washburn married Henrietta Pease in 1938, and they had two children, Sherwood ""Tuck"" and Stan. They subsequently resided in New York, Chicago, Illinois and Berkeley, California, where Sherwood held university positions. Washburn died in Berkeley in 2000 at age 88.


== Harvard ==
Washburn entered Harvard's graduate program with the intention of pursuing a doctorate in zoology. His focus shifted to anthropology after being induced to attend an introductory seminar on the subject led by his freshman advisor and close family friend Alfred Tozzer. Finding the mixture of archaeology, customs and human evolution stimulating, he joined the physical anthropology program led by Earnest Hooton where he was able to enfold his zoological coursework such as comparative anatomy and paleontology in his approach to the study of human evolution. Doctoral students in Harvard's physical anthropology program were forced to look beyond the anthropology department to secure the necessary training, which Washburn considered fortuitous because the experience left him with deep appreciation how much more can be learned when a multidisciplinary effort is brought into the analysis.
While studying for his doctorate, Washburn received his first opportunity to engage in fieldwork. He served as an assistant zoologist in Harold J. Coolidge's 1935–1936 Asiatic Primate Expedition. In Malaysia he helped collect specimens of various species of colobine and macaque monkeys and the orangutan. In Sri Lanka and Thailand he also collected specimens of lar gibbon and observed their behavior in natural surroundings. He continued this work on the collection when he returned to Harvard, at times assisted by Gabriel Lasker. Washburn would later credit the ongoing discussions between Lasker and himself during this period (1938) as formative to his views about human variability. To Washburn, human variability was to be understood in terms of population genetics, and not according to the terms of racial and constitutional typology as typified by his doctoral advisor, Hooton.His doctoral thesis was a metrical appraisal of proportions in the skeletons of adult macaques and langurs. His doctorate, awarded in 1940, was the first from Harvard's anthropology department to be awarded for a study of non-human primates.


== Career ==
Upon graduating Harvard, Washburn accepted a position as associate professor of anatomy in Columbia University College of Physicians and Surgeons, where he remained for eight years. From 1947–1958 he was a professor of anthropology at the University of Chicago, for a time serving as department chair. He left the University of Chicago for a professorship in University of California, Berkeley, where he remained until his retirement in 1979. In 1975 the university elected him to the appointment of University Professor, one of 35 such appointments granted since the position was first created in 1960.


== Published works ==
Social Life of Early Man, New York, Viking Fund, 1961
Evolution of a Teacher Annual Review of Anthropology. 1983.
""The Evolution of Man"", Scientific American v239 n3 p194–208 September 1978
Human evolution: Biosocial perspectives, edited with Elizabeth McCown, Menlo Park, California: Benjamin/Cummings Pub. Co. 1978
Ape Into Man; A Study of Human Evolution, Boston: Little, Brown. 1973.


== Notes ==


== References ==
Howell, F. Clark (2004). ""Sherwood Larned Washburn"". Biographical Memoirs of the National Academy of Sciences. 84: 348–366.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
""Sherwood Washburn — Famed Anthropologist"". San Francisco Chronicle. April 20, 2000. p. C5.
Saxon, Wolfgang (April 19, 2000). ""Sherwood Washburn, Pioneer in Primate Studies, Dies at 88"". The New York Times.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
Tuttle, Russell H. (December 2000). ""Sherwood Larned Washburn (1911–2000)"" (PDF). American Anthropologist. 102 (4): 865–869. doi:10.1525/aa.2000.102.4.865.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
Redman, Samuel J. (2016). Bone Rooms: From Scientific Racism to Human Prehistory in Museums. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-66041-0.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)


== External links ==
Sherwood Washburn interview, Oral History Collection — University of Florida
Finding aid to the S. L. Washburn papers, 1932–1996 at The Bancroft Library"
Morris E. Opler,1963,"Morris Edward Opler (May 3, 1907 – May 13, 1996), American anthropologist and advocate of Japanese American civil rights, was born in Buffalo, New York.  He was the brother of Marvin Opler, an anthropologist and social psychiatrist.
Morris Opler's chief anthropological contribution is in the ethnography of Southern Athabaskan peoples, i.e. the Navajo and Apache, such as the Chiricahua, Mescalero, Lipan, and Jicarilla.  His classic work is An Apache Life-Way (1941). He worked with Grenville Goodwin, who was also studying social organization among the Western Apache.  After Goodwin's early death, Opler edited a volume of his letters from the field and other papers, published in 1973.
Opler earned his Ph.D. from the University of Chicago in 1933.  He taught at Reed College in Portland, Oregon during the 1940s and later taught at Cornell University and the University of Oklahoma.
During World War II, Opler worked as a community analyst at the Manzanar concentration camp, documenting conditions in camp and the daily lives of its Japanese American inmates. Arriving in 1943, he was sympathetic toward the displaced Japanese Americans and frequently butt heads with camp administrators, covering the so-called ""Manzanar Riot"" and resistance to the unpopular ""loyalty questionnaire"" and conscription of men from camp.He also aided the defense of Gordon Hirabayashi and Fred Korematsu in their (unsuccessful) cases challenging the legality of the exclusion of Japanese Americans from the West Coast, writing an amicus brief for each case that argued the military necessity cited by Western Defense Command head John L. DeWitt was in fact based ""on racial grounds.""In his published works, he challenged the way American public schools teach about Japanese Americans, and fought to improve the way they were viewed by Americans.


== Notable Accomplishments ==
Morris Edward Opler was not the first to anthropologically study and work with the Apache people, nor was he the sole voice contributing to their historical narrative. He readily acknowledged the accomplishments of others who studied his same field of interest. However, he was a highly influential leader in Native American and Japanese-American anthropology, and he achieved many noteworthy accomplishments in his work.

Opler was highly educated. After earning a Bachelor's Degree and a Master's Degree from the University of Buffalo, he received his Doctorate from the University of Chicago. At the same time that he was working toward his Ph.D., he was starting down the path of his impactful anthropological fieldwork and research among the Apache people. This research inspired his dissertation, entitled ""An Analysis of Mescalero and Chiricahua Apache Social Organization in the Light of Their Systems of Relationships,"" which he presented in 1932.Ten years later, in 1942, while Opler was working at Claremont College, he was awarded a Fellowship grant from the John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation as a result of his research among the Apache people during the decade prior.Just a year after receiving that honor from the Guggenheim Memorial Foundation, Opler began working with the American Office of War Information, doing anthropological work with the Japanese Americans kept in concentration camps during World War II (more specifically in the Manzanar War Relocation Center) as a result of the United States government's distrust of Japanese loyalty to America. Opler showed compassion toward the Japanese internees and even wrote a few legal briefs on behalf of Japanese American individuals, two of which were significant enough to be heard by the United States Supreme Court. In part because of Opler's work, the Supreme Court ruled in 1945 that the Japanese internees were being held and treated unconstitutionally, and after that they were filtered back into everyday society.In 1949, after he had completed his research and work at Manzanar in California, Opler returned to New York and accepted a position at Cornell University. During his twenty years there, motivated by his past experiences researching Japanese culture in the camps during WWII, he established a new program for the Cornell students that was dedicated to Asian Studies.


== Career Path ==
Morris Edward Opler worked actively in his field for almost 50 years. His anthropological fieldwork began in 1931, when he began doing fieldwork in New Mexico among the Mescalero Apache tribe. He had a lifelong interest in the indigenous people of western America, specifically the Apache, and consistently focused his studies on their lifestyles and practices. In addition to his anthropological studies, Opler entered the world of academia, working as a professor for many years, beginning in 1937, when he was employed at Reed College. This occupation was followed by positions at Claremont College, Harvard University, Cornell University, and finally, at the University of Oklahoma, after he had retired from Cornell University in 1969. Interspersed between these academic positions, Opler also worked for the Office of War Information (1943–1946) and at the Manzanar War Relocation Center during WWII. After retiring a second time, this time from the University of Oklahoma in 1977, he dedicated his time to writing and publishing articles relating to the conditions of Apache life.


== Views and Beliefs ==
Opler had strong beliefs and opinions, and he was not afraid to make them known. He fought back in writing, often harshly and in a way that excited opposition, against those he disagreed with.Politically, he had an aversion to Marxist and Communist ideals and spoke out against them. This makes sense in the context of his career, because he lived in a time when the United States was experiencing a widespread paranoia surrounding Marxism, and anthropologists were often the group found most guilty of engaging in Marxist mindsets and practices.Anthropologically, he believed in observing cultural practices and beliefs without judgment or bias (a practice known as cultural relativity). He defended the people he studied. For example, while he was working at the Manzanar War Relocation Center, he showed great sympathy for the Japanese people who were kept there. He was a strong advocate for their rights and comfort while he studied and wrote about their culture.Opler believed that studies of culture should be independent of studies of biology. He believed that the unchanging nature of human biology and the constant evolution of culture would contradict each other if attempts were made to study them in tandem. Because of this belief that differences in culture didn't come from differences in biology, Opler was racially tolerant and didn't believe one race was biologically superior. This racial tolerance would lead him to dedicate so much of his research efforts to marginalized ethnic groups, namely the Native Americans and the Japanese.


== Famous Publications ==
A majority of Opler's research was done on Native American groups of the American Southwest. He studied specifically the Chiricahua Indians, who were the subjects of his two most famous books, An Apache Life-Way and Myths and Tales of the Chiricahua Apache Indians.

An Apache Life-Way: The Economic, Social, and Religious Institutions of the Chiricahua Indians was one of Opler’s most famous publications. He studied many Native American groups, but the Apache were a main focus of his. The book goes through the life of an Apache year by year. Rather than a history, this book explains the day to day Apache experience, going in chronological order of one’s life. The lifestyle described in the book is from a time before the Americans started the long era of hostile interactions with the Apache.
The people designated as “Apache” in this book are those who spoke the Apache language in the area that is now New Mexico, Arizona, Sonora, and Chihuahua. There were many smaller sub-groups that populated these areas, three of them different groups of the Chiricahua Apache.
The books is divided into several main parts: Childhood; Maturation; Social Relations of Adults; Folk Beliefs, Medical Practice, and Shamanism; Maintenance of the Household; Marital and Sexual Life; The Round of Life; Political Organization and Status; and Death, Mourning, and the Underworld. Each section is divided into more specific subcategories that explore each phase of life and the rituals associated with it.
In Myths and Tales of the Chiricahua Apache Indians Opler describes the mythology and beliefs of the Chiricahua Apache. It contains religious stories, as well as historical tales passed down for generations by the Apache. Opler believed that studying the mythology of a people was one of the best ways to understand the roots of their culture. With each of the peoples he studied throughout his career as an anthropologist, he made an effort to become familiar with the folklore of the people.
The book is divided into six main parts, each containing several subcategories and chapters: When the Earth Was New; the Contest for Daylight; The Coyote Cycle and Other Animal, Bird, and Insect Tales; Stories of Supernatural Beings and Encounters with Supernaturals; Stories of Foolish People, Unfaithfulness, and Perversion; and Miscellaneous.
While writing these books, he interviewed several Apache in order to get the truth from their perspective. He consulted with them on the contents of the books, and spent a lot of time with them in order to better understand their culture before publishing about it.


== Bibliography ==
Basso, Keith H.; & Opler, Morris E. (Eds.). (1971). Apachean culture history and ethnology. Anthropological papers of the University of Arizona (No. 21). Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
Castetter, Edward F.; & Opler, Morris E.  (1936).  The Ethnobiology of the Chiricahua and Mescalero Apache: The Use of Plants for Foods, Beverages and Narcotics, Ethnobiological studies in the American Southwest, (Vol. 3); Biological series (Vol. 4, No. 5); Bulletin, University of New Mexico, whole, (No. 297).  Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
Goodwin, Grenville; & Opler, Morris E.  (1973).  Grenville Goodwin among the Western Apache: Letters from the Field.  Tucson: University of Arizona Press.  ISBN 978-0-8165-0417-6.
Hoijer, Harry; & Opler, Morris E.  (1938).  Chiricahua and Mescalero Apache Texts.  The University of Chicago Publications in Anthropology; Linguistic series.  Chicago: University of Chicago Press.  (Reprinted 1964 by Chicago: University of Chicago Press; in 1970 by Chicago: University of Chicago Press; & in 1980 under H. Hoijer by New York: AMS Press, ISBN 978-0-404-15783-8).
Opler, Morris E.  (1932). An Analysis of Mescalero and Chiricahua Apache Social Organization in the Light of Their Systems of Relationship. (Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Chicago)
Opler, Morris E (1935). ""The Concept of Supernatural Power among the Chiricahua and Mescalero Apaches"". American Anthropologist. 37 (1): 65–70. doi:10.1525/aa.1935.37.1.02a00060.
Opler, Morris E (1936). ""The kinship systems of the Southern Athabaskan-speaking tribes"". American Anthropologist. 38 (4): 620–633. doi:10.1525/aa.1936.38.4.02a00120.
Opler, Morris E.  (1937).  ""An Outline of Chiricahua Apache Social Organization"", In F. Egan (Ed.), Social Anthropology of North American Tribes (pp. 173–242). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Opler, Morris E (1938). ""A Chiricahua Apache Account of the Geronimo Campaign of 1886"". New Mexico Historical Review, October. 13: 4.
Opler, Morris E. (1938). ""Myths and Tales of the Jicarilla Apache Indians"", Memoirs of the American Folklore Society (No. 31). New York.
Opler, Morris E (1938). ""The Use of Peyote by the Carrizo and the Lipan Apache"". American Anthropologist. 40: 2.
Opler, Morris E. (1940). Myths and Legends of the Lipan Apache. Memoirs of the American Folklore Society (Vol. 36). New York: American Folklore Society, J. J. Augustin.
Opler, Morris E.  (1941).  An Apache Life-way: The Economic, Social, and Religious Institutions of the Chiricahua Indians.  Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.  (Reprinted 1962 by Chicago: University of Chicago Press; 1965 by New York: Cooper Square Publishers; 1965 by Chicago: University of Chicago Press; & 1994 by Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, ISBN 978-0-8032-8610-8).
Opler, Morris E (1942). ""The Identity of the Apache Mansos"". American Anthropologist. 44 (1): 725.
Opler, Morris E. (1942). Myths and Tales of the Chiricahua Apache Indians. Memoirs of the American Folklore Society (No. 37). New York: American Folklore Society.
Opler, Morris E (1944). ""The Jicarilla Apache Ceremonial Relay Race"". American Anthropologist. 46 (1): 75–97. doi:10.1525/aa.1944.46.1.02a00060.
Opler, Morris E (1945). ""The Lipan Apache Death Complex and Its Extensions"". Southwestern Journal of Anthropology. 1 (1): 122–141. doi:10.1086/soutjanth.1.1.3628786.
Opler, Morris E (1945). ""Themes as Dynamic Forces in Culture"". American Journal of Sociology. 51 (3): 198–206. doi:10.1086/219787.
Opler, Morris E. (1946). The Creative Role of Shamanism in Mescalero Apache Mythology.
Opler, Morris E. (1946). Childhood and Youth in Jicarilla Apache Society. Los Angeles: The Southwest Museum.
Opler, Morris E. (1947). Mythology and Folk Belief in the Maintenance of Jicarilla Apache Tribal Endogamy.
Opler, Morris E (1959). ""Component, assemblage, and theme in cultural integration and differentiation"". American Anthropologist. 61 (6): 955–964. doi:10.1525/aa.1959.61.6.02a00040.
Opler, Morris E (1961). ""Cultural evolution, Southern Athapaskans, and chronology in theory"". Southwestern Journal of Anthropology. 17 (1): 1–20. doi:10.1086/soutjanth.17.1.3628864.
Opler, Morris E (1962). ""Two converging lines of influence in cultural evolutionary theory"". American Anthropologist. 64 (3): 524–547. doi:10.1525/aa.1962.64.3.02a00050.
Opler, Morris E (1964). ""The human being in culture theory"". American Anthropologist. 66 (3): 507–528. doi:10.1525/aa.1964.66.3.02a00010.
Opler, Morris E (1968). ""Remuneration to supernaturals and man in Apachean ceremonialism"". Ethnology. 7 (4): 356–393. doi:10.2307/3773016.
Opler, Morris E. (1969). Apache odyssey: A journey between two worlds. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston.
Opler, Morris E (1969). ""Western Apache and Kiowa Apache materials relating to ceremonial payment"". Ethnology. 8 (1): 122–124. doi:10.2307/3772941.
Opler, Morris E. (1971). ""Pots, Apache, and the Dismal River culture aspect"", In K. H. Basso & M. E. Opler (Eds.) (pp. 29–33).
Opler, Morris E (1975). ""Problems in Apachean cultural history, with special reference to the Lipan Apache"". Anthropological Quarterly. 48 (3): 182–192. doi:10.2307/3316923.
Opler, Morris E (1975). ""Applied anthropology and the Apache"". Papers in Anthropology. 16 (4): 1–77.
Opler, Morris E. (1983). The Apachean culture pattern and its origins. In A. Ortiz (Ed.), Handbook of North American Indians: Southwest (Vol. 10, pp. 368–392). Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution.
Opler, Morris E. (1983). Chiricahua Apache. In A. Ortiz (Ed.), Handbook of North American Indians: Southwest (Vol. 10, pp. 401–418). Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution.
Opler, Morris E. (1983). Mescalero Apache. In A. Ortiz (Ed.), Handbook of North American Indians: Southwest (Vol. 10, pp. 419–439). Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution.
Opler, Morris E. (2001). Lipan Apache. In R. J. DeMallie (Ed.), Handbook of North American Indians: Plains (Vol. 13, pp. 941–952). Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution.
Opler, Morris E; Bittle, William E (1961). ""The death practices and eschatology of the Kiowa Apache"". Southwestern Journal of Anthropology. 17 (4): 383–394. doi:10.1086/soutjanth.17.4.3628949.
Opler, Morris E.; & French, David H.  (1941).  Myths and tales of the Chiricahua Apache Indians.  Memoirs of the American Folklore Society, (Vol. 37).  New York: American Folklore Society.  (Reprinted in 1969 by New York: Kraus Reprint Co.; in 1970 by New York; in 1976 by Millwood, NY: Kraus Reprint Co.; & in 1994 under M. E. Opler, Morris by Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.  ISBN 978-0-8032-8602-3).
Opler, Morris E.; Hoijer, Harry (1940). ""The raid and war-path language of the Chiricahua Apache"". American Anthropologist. 42 (4): 617–634. doi:10.1525/aa.1940.42.4.02a00070.
Webster, Anthony K (2000). ""Morris Edward Opler (1907–1996)"". American Anthropologist. 102 (2): 328–329. doi:10.1525/aa.2000.102.2.328.


== References ==


== External links ==
Morris Opler
Guide to the Morris Edward Opler Papers, Cornell University
A Chiricahua Apache's Account of the Geronimo Campaign of 1886, University of Virginia Library E-Text
Chiricahua and Mescalero Apache Texts
""A description of a Tonkawa peyote meeting held in 1902"", American Ethnography"
Leslie A. White,1964,"Leslie Alvin White (January 19, 1900, Salida, Colorado – March 31, 1975, Lone Pine, California) was an American anthropologist known for his advocacy of theories of cultural evolution, sociocultural evolution, and especially neoevolutionism, and for his role in creating the department of anthropology at the University of Michigan Ann Arbor. He was president of the American Anthropological Association (1964).


== Biography ==

White's father was a peripatetic civil engineer. White lived first in Kansas and then Louisiana. He volunteered to fight in World War I, but saw only the tail end of it, spending a year in the US Navy before matriculating at Louisiana State University in 1919.
In 1921, he transferred to Columbia University, where he studied psychology, taking a BA in 1923 and an MA in 1924. Although White studied at the same university where Franz Boas had lectured, White's understanding of anthropology was decidedly anti-Boasian. However, his interests even at this stage of his career were diverse, and he took classes in several other disciplines and institutions, including philosophy at UCLA, and clinical psychiatry, before discovering anthropology via Alexander Goldenweiser's courses at the New School for Social Research. In 1925, White began studies for a Ph.D. in sociology/anthropology at the University of Chicago and had the opportunity of spending a few weeks with the Menominee and Winnebago in Wisconsin. After his initial thesis proposal—a library thesis, which foreshadowed his later theoretical work—he conducted fieldwork at Acoma Pueblo, New Mexico. Ph.D. in hand, he began teaching at the University at Buffalo in 1927, where he began to rethink the antievolutionary views that his Boasian education had instilled in him. In 1930, he moved to Ann Arbor, where he remained for the rest of his active career.
The period at Buffalo marked a turning point in White's biography. It was then that he developed a worldview—anthropological, political, ethical—that he would hold to and advocate until his death. The student response to the then-controversial Boasian antievolutionary and antiracist doctrines that White espoused helped him formulate his own views regarding sociocultural evolution. In 1929, he visited the Soviet Union and on his return joined the Socialist Labor Party, writing articles under the pseudonym ""John Steel"" for their newspaper.
White went to Michigan when he was hired to replace Julian Steward, who departed Ann Arbor in 1930. Although the university was home to a museum with a long history of involvement in matters anthropological, White was the only professor in the anthropology department itself. In 1932, he headed a fieldschool in the southwest which was attended by Fred Eggan, Mischa Titiev, and others.
It was Titiev that White brought to Michigan as a second professor in 1936. As a student of White—perhaps his status as a Russian immigrant was also salient—Titiev suited White perfectly. However, during the Second World War, Titiev took part in the war effort by studying Japan. Perhaps this upset the socialist White—in any case by war's end White had broken with Titiev and the two were hardly even on speaking terms. More faculty were not hired until after the war, when the two-man department was expanded. This, compounded by the foundation by Titiev of the East Asian Studies Program and the import of scholars like Richard K. Beardsley into the department, created a split on which most professors fell one way or another.
As a professor in Ann Arbor, White trained a generation of influential students. While authors such as Robert Carneiro, Beth Dillingham, and Gertrude Dole carried on White's program in its orthodox form, other scholars such as Eric Wolf, Arthur Jelinek, Elman Service, and Marshall Sahlins and Napoleon Chagnon drew on their time with White to elaborate their own forms of anthropology.


== White's anthropology ==
White's views were formulated specifically against the Boasians, with whom he was institutionally and intellectually at odds. This antagonism often took on an extremely personal form: White referred to Franz Boas's prose style as ""corny"" in the American Journal of Sociology. Robert Lowie, an arch-cultural relativist disciple of Boas, referred to White's work as ""a farrago of immature metaphysical notions"", shaped by ""the obsessive power of fanaticism [which] unconsciously warps one's vision.""
One of the strongest deviations from Boasian orthodoxy was White's view of the nature of anthropology and its relation to other sciences. White understood the world to be divided into cultural, biological, and physical levels of phenomenon. Such a division is a reflection of the composition of the universe and was not a heuristic device. Thus, contrary to Alfred L. Kroeber, Kluckhohn, and Edward Sapir, White saw the delineation of the object of study not as a cognitive accomplishment of the anthropologist, but as a recognition of the actually existing and delineated phenomena which comprise the world. The distinction between 'natural' and 'social' sciences was thus based not on method, but on the nature of the object of study: physicists study physical phenomena, biologists biological phenomena, and culturologists (White's term) cultural phenomena.
The object of study was not delineated by the researcher's viewpoint or interest, but the method by which he approached them could be. White believed that phenomena could be explored from three different points of view: the historical, the formal-functional, and the evolutionist (or formal-temporal). The historical view was essentially Boasian, dedicated to examining the particular diachronic cultural processes, ""lovingly trying to penetrate into its secrets until every feature is plain and clear."" The formal-functional is essentially the synchronic approach advocated by Alfred Radcliffe-Brown and Bronisław Malinowski, attempting to discern the formal structure of a society and the functional interrelations of its components. The evolutionist approach is, like the formal approach, generalizing; but it is also diachronic, seeing particular events as general instances of larger trends.
Boas claimed his science promised complex and interdependent visions of culture, but White thought that it would delegitimize anthropology if it became the dominant position, removing it from broader discourses on science. White viewed his own approach as a synthesis of historical and functional approach because it combined the diachronic scope of one with the generalizing eye for formal interrelations provided by the other. As such, it could point out ""the course of cultural development in the past and its probable course in the future"" a task that was anthropology's ""most valuable function"".
As a result, White frequently championed nineteenth century evolutionists in a search for intellectual predecessors unclaimed or denounced by Boasians. This stance can be clearly seen in his views of evolution, which are firmly rooted in the writings of Herbert Spencer, Charles Darwin, and Lewis H. Morgan. While it can be argued that White's exposition of Morgan and Spencer's was tendentious, it can be safely said that White's concepts of science and evolution were firmly rooted in their work. Advances in population biology and evolutionary theory passed White by and, unlike Steward, his conception of evolution and progress remained firmly rooted in the nineteenth century.
For White, culture was a superorganic entity that was sui generis and could be explained only in terms of itself. It was composed of three levels: the technological, the social organizational, and the ideological. Each level rested on the previous one, and although they all interacted, ultimately the technological level was the determining one, what White calls ""The hero of our piece"" and ""the leading character of our play"". The most important factor in his theory is technology: ""Social systems are determined by technological systems"", wrote White in his book, echoing the earlier theory of Lewis Henry Morgan.
White spoke of culture as a general human phenomenon, and claimed not to speak of 'cultures' in the plural. His theory, published in 1959 in The Evolution of Culture: The Development of Civilization to the Fall of Rome, rekindled the interest in social evolutionism and is counted prominently among the neoevolutionists. He believed that culture–meaning the total of all human cultural activity on the planet–was evolving. White differentiated three components of culture: technological, sociological, and ideological. He argued that it was the technological component which plays a primary role or is the primary determining factor responsible for the cultural evolution. His materialist approach is evident in the following quote: ""man as an animal species, and consequently culture as a whole, is dependent upon the material, mechanical means of adjustment to the natural environment"". This technological component can be described as material, mechanical, physical, and chemical instruments, as well as the way people use these techniques. White's argument on the importance of technology goes as follows:
Technology is an attempt to solve the problems of survival.
This attempt ultimately means capturing enough energy and diverting it for human needs.
Societies that capture more energy and use it more efficiently have an advantage over other societies.
Therefore, these different societies are more advanced in an evolutionary sense.
For White ""the primary function of culture"" and the one that determines its level of advancement is its ability to ""harness and control energy."" White's law states that the measure by which to judge the relative degree of evolvedness of culture was the amount of energy it could capture (energy consumption).
White differentiates between five stages of human development. At first, people use the energy of their own muscles. Second, they use the energy of domesticated animals. Third, they use the energy of plants (so White refers to agricultural revolution here). Fourth, they learn to use the energy of natural resources: coal, oil, gas. Fifth, they harness nuclear energy. White introduced a formula,

P = ET,where E is a measure of energy consumed per capita per year, T is the measure of efficiency in utilising energy harnessed, and P represents the degree of cultural development in terms of product produced. In his own words: ""the basic law of cultural evolution"" was ""culture evolves as the amount of energy harnessed per capita per year is increased, or as the efficiency of the instrumental means of putting the energy to work is increased"". Therefore, ""we find that progress and development are effected by the improvement of the mechanical means with which energy is harnessed and put to work as well as by increasing the amounts of energy employed"". Although White stops short of promising that technology is the panacea for all the problems that affect mankind, like technological utopians do, his theory treats the technological factor as the most important factor in the evolution of society and is similar to ideas in the later works of Gerhard Lenski, the theory of the Kardashev scale of Russian astronomer Nikolai Kardashev, and some notions of technological singularity.


== Selected publications ==
Ethnological Essays: Selected Essays of Leslie A. White. University of New Mexico Press. 1987.
The Evolution of Culture: The Development of Civilization to the Fall of Rome. 1959.
The Science of Culture: A study of man and civilization. Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1949.
The Pueblo of Santa Ana, New Mexico. American Anthropological Association Memoir 60, 1949.
The Pueblo of San Felipe. American Anthropological Association Memoir No. 38, 1938.
The Pueblo of Santo Domingo. American Anthropological Association Memoir 60, 1935.
The Acoma Indians. Bureau of American Ethnology, 47th annual report, pp. 1–192. Smithsonian Institution, 1932.


== See also ==
List of important publications in anthropology


== References ==


== Further reading ==
Leslie A. White: Evolution and Revolution in Anthropology by William Peace. University of Nebraska Press, 2004 (the definitive biography of White).
Richard Beardsley. An appraisal of Leslie A. White's scholarly influence. American Anthropologist 78:617–620, 1976.
Jerry D. Moore. Leslie White: Evolution Emergent. Chapter 13 of Visions of Culture. pp. 169–180. AltaMira, 1997.
Moses, Daniel Noah (2009). The Promise of Progress: The Life and Work of Lewis Henry Morgan. Columbia: University of Missouri Press.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
Elman Service. Leslie Alvin White, 1900–1975. American Anthropologist 78:612–617, 1976.
The Leslie White Papers - Finding guide and information about Leslie White's papers at the Bentley Historical library."
Alexander Spoehr,1965,"Alexander Spoehr (August 23, 1913 – June 11, 1992) was an American anthropologist who served as president of the American Anthropological Association in 1965.
Spoehr was born in Tucson, Arizona on August 23, 1913, to parents Herman Augustus Spoehr and Florence Mann. Alexander Spoehr was of German, Danish, and Austrian descent. He was raised in Palo Alto, California, and enrolled at Stanford University, later transferring to the University of Chicago, where he completed an A. B. in economics. Spoehr remained at the University of Chicago for graduate study in anthropology, researching the Seminole in Florida. In January 1940, Spoehr began working at the Field Museum. He served in the U.S. Marine Corps Reserve and the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers during World War II, and later joined the Naval Reserve. Spoehr returned to the Field Museum in 1946. He left Chicago for Honolulu in 1953, and worked for the Bishop Museum until 1962. Spoehr had been named leader of the East–West Center in 1961, and served from 1962 until his resignation in 1963 to teach at the University of Pittsburgh. He left Pitt in 1978, and moved to Hawaii. He died at the age of 78 on June 11, 1992, in Honolulu.


== References =="
John P. Gillin,1966,
Frederica de Laguna,1967,"Frederica (""Freddy"") Annis Lopez de Leo de Laguna (October 3, 1906 – October 6, 2004) was an American ethnologist, anthropologist, and archaeologist influential for her work on Paleoindian and Alaska Native art and archaeology in the American northwest and Alaska.She founded and chaired the anthropology department at Bryn Mawr College from 1938 to 1972 and served as vice-president of the Society for American Archaeology (SAA) from 1949 to 1950 and as president of the American Anthropological Association (AAA) from 1966 to 1967. de Laguna's honors include Bryn Mawr College's Lindback Award for Distinguished Teaching in 1972; her election into the National Academy of Sciences as the first woman, with former classmate Margaret Mead, in 1975; the Distinguished Service Award from the AAA in 1986; a potlatch from the people of Yakutat in 1996; and the Lucy Wharton Drexel Medal from the University of Pennsylvania in 1999.


== Early life and education ==
De Laguna was born to Theodore Lopez de Leo de Laguna and Grace Mead (Andrus) de Laguna, philosophy professors at Bryn Mawr College, on October 3, 1906 in Ann Arbor, Michigan. She was home-schooled by her parents until age 9 due to frequent illness. She joined her parents and younger brother Wallace on two sabbaticals during her adolescence: Cambridge and Oxford, England in 1914–1915 and France in 1921–1922.De Laguna attended Bryn Mawr College on a scholarship from 1923 to 1927, graduating summa cum laude with a degree in politics and economics. Although she was awarded the college's European fellowship, she deferred for a year to study anthropology at Columbia University under Franz Boas, Gladys Reichard, and Ruth Benedict. In 1928, de Laguna traveled to England, France, and Spain, where she gained fieldwork experience under George Grant MacCurdy; ""attended lectures on prehistoric art by Abbe Breuil, and received guidance from Paul Rivet and Marcelin Boule."" In June, 1929, de Laguna sailed to Greenland as Therkel Mathiassen's assistant on the country's ""first scientific archaeological excavation."" Staying a total of six months, the excavation convinced her of a future in anthropology and later became the subject of Voyage to Greenland: A Personal Initiation into Anthropology (1997).De Laguna received her PhD in anthropology from Columbia University in 1933.


== Career ==

De Laguna's first funded expedition was to Prince William Sound and Cook Inlet, Alaska, in 1930 after Kaj Birket-Smith fell ill and was unable to continue with de Laguna as his research assistant. De Laguna instead secured funding from the University of Pennsylvania Museum and brought her brother Wallace, who was a geologist, as an assistant. The following year, the museum hired de Laguna to catalog their Eskimo collections and again financed two excavations to Cook Inlet in 1931 and 1932. She co-led an archaeological and ethnological expedition of Prince William Sound in 1933 with Birket-Smith; the trip became the basis for ""The Eyak Indians of the Copper River Delta, Alaska"" (1938). De Laguna next explored the lower Yukon Valley and Tanana River in 1935 and published two works because of it: Travels Among the Dena (1994) and Tales from the Dena (1997).Bryn Mawr College hired de Laguna as a sociology lecturer in 1938 ""to teach the first ever anthropology course."" She kept this position until 1942 when she took a leave of absence to serve in the naval reserve as a lieutenant commander of Women Accepted for Voluntary Emergency Service (WAVES). She taught naval history and codes and ciphers to women midshipmen at Smith College until the war's end in 1945. She resumed her professorial duties at Bryn Mawr College and then returned to the Northern Tlingit region of Alaska in the 1950s, leading to her ""comprehensive three-volume monograph...considered [to be] the authoritative work on the Yakutat Tlingit."" Although retired in 1975, de Laguna remained active in her profession through a trip to Upernavik, Greenland (resulting in the completion of George Thornton Emmons' The Tlingit Indians [1991]), volunteer work for the U.S. Forest Service in Alaska, and the establishment of the Frederica de Laguna Northern Books Press.De Laguna also worked as an Associate Soil Conservationist in 1935 and 1936 on the Pima Indian Reservation, Arizona; as a teacher at an archaeological field school in 1941 under the sponsorship of Bryn Mawr College and the Museum of Northern Arizona; and as a visiting professor at the University of Pennsylvania from 1947 to 1949 and from 1972 to 1976 and at the University of California, Berkeley from 1959 to 1960 and from 1972 to 1973. Over 5,000 objects collected during her anthropological career are housed in the collections of the Penn Museum.


== Selected works ==
1930, The thousand march: Adventures of an American boy with the Garibaldi. Boston: Little, Brown. OCLC 3940490
1937, The arrow points to murder. Garden City, NJ: Crime Club, Inc. OCLC 1720968
1938, Fog on the mountain. Homer, AK: Kachemak Country Publications. OCLC 32748448
1972, Under Mount Saint Elias: The history and culture of the Yakutat Tlingit: Part one, pdf. Smithsonian contributions to anthropology, v. 7. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press. OCLC 603795
1977, Voyage to Greenland: A personal initiation in anthropology. New York: Norton. OCLC 2646088
1991, with George Thornton Emmons, The Tlingit Indians. New York: American Museum of Natural History. OCLC 23463915
1994, with Norman Reynolds and Dale DeArmond, Tales from the Dena: Indian stories from the Tanana, Koyukuk, and Yukon rivers. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press. OCLC 31518221
1997, Travels among the Dena: Exploring Alaska's Yukon valley. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press. OCLC 42772476


== References ==


== External links ==
""Frederica de Laguna Collection"" from Alaska State Library
""Frederica de Laguna collection"" from Bryn Mawr College
Frederica de Laguna Northern Books
""Papers of Frederica de Laguna"" from National Anthropological Archives: part 1 and part 2
Video interview with de Laguna from George A. Smathers Libraries

American crime fiction writers"
Irving Rouse,1968,"Benjamin Irving Rouse (August 29, 1913 – February 24, 2006) was an American archaeologist on the faculty of Yale University best known for his work in the Greater and Lesser Antilles of the Caribbean, especially in Haiti. He also conducted fieldwork in Florida and Venezuela. He made major contributions to the development of archaeological theory, with a special emphasis on taxonomy and classification of archaeological materials and studies of human migration.


== Early life ==
Benjamin Irving Rouse was born on August 29, 1913 in Rochester, New York, the son of Louise Gillespie (Bohachek) and Benjamin Irving Rouse. His maternal grandfather was Czech. His family had been in the plant nursery industry for nearly a century, and Ben (as he was known to family and friends) was planning on continuing in the family business when he enrolled at Yale University in 1930 as a plant science major. His father had also attended Yale as an undergraduate.


== Education ==
Irving Rouse began his academic career studying forestry and obtained his Bachelor's degree in plant science from Yale University's Sheffield Scientific School in 1934. Rouse identifies his background in botany as a major factor in his lifelong interest in classification and taxonomy. As a result of family financial reversals resulting from the Wall Street Crash of 1929 and the Great Depression from 1929–1932, Rouse needed employment to continue at Yale. As an undergraduate, he worked at the Yale Peabody Museum of Natural History cataloging archaeological specimens. It was through this job that Rouse met Cornelius Osgood, who convinced Rouse to take some graduate-level anthropology courses and eventually enroll in the graduate program at Yale, where Osgood directed his doctoral dissertation. Rouse claimed that his perception of the need for classification in what was at that time the young field of anthropology was a major factor in his decision to pursue a career in anthropology rather than the much more established field (in terms of classification of materials) of botany. His dissertation was eventually published in two parts, the first exploring method and analysis entitled Prehistory in Haiti: A Study in Method (1939), the second an application of these methods entitled Culture of the Ft. Liberté Region, Haiti (1941).


== Professional career ==
Upon receiving his Ph.D. in 1938, Rouse accepted a job as assistant curator at Yale's Peabody Museum. He was promoted to associate curator (1947) and research associate (1954). While employed at the museum, Rouse also taught courses in anthropology, beginning as an instructor in anthropology from 1939–1943, advancing to Assistant Professor (1943), Associate Professor (1948), Professor (1954), and finally becoming Charles J. MacCurdy Professor of Anthropology (1970), holding this position until his retirement in 1984. He held many positions in professional organizations, including serving as editor of American Antiquity, president of the Society for American Archaeology (1952–1953), vice president of the American Ethnological Society (1957–1958), associate editor of American Anthropologist (1960–1962), and president of the American Anthropological Association (1967–1968). He was also a member of the National Academy of Sciences, a fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, and Guggenheim Fellow.


=== Dissertation ===
Rouse was a major contributor to the study of Caribbean archaeology, and his contribution to this field began with his dissertation, which was broken down into two parts and dealt with the culture of the Ft. Liberté region of Haiti. The first segment of his dissertation is a definition of the methods he would use in studying the cultures of this region titled Prehistory in Haiti: A Study in Method (1939).
In the second segment of his dissertation, a work titled Culture of the Ft. Liberté Region, Haiti (1941), Rouse examines three cultures that occupied the region. The first culture he classifies is the Couri culture. Most of the evidence about Couri culture comes in the form of material culture, defined by Rouse as concerning ""standards observable in the artefacts [sic] of the sites under study""  He observes sixteen ""types"" of artifacts (defined here as ""the set of standards to which the artifacts as a whole conform""), mostly flint, but some ground stone and shell artifacts as well. The flint artifacts included daggers, knives, and scrapers, which were often large and crude. These flint daggers and knives are the only evidence present that might indicate warfare.  The ground stone artifacts  included stone axes and various types of hammer-grinders, beads, and other small objects. These objects would have been made through either flaking, battering, or grinding techniques. Some of the smaller stone balls might be evidence of some sort of game or entertainment activity. There is evidence of a workshop for the manufacture of the axes in the area, however it appears that the flint objects were made elsewhere, indicating that there was probably some sort of trade system in place. Both shell objects are made from conch shells, and there is evidence of a well developed art design, as the pendant is decorated with parallel and zig-zagged bands. Not much about the non-material culture of the Couri (defined by Rouse as ""concerned with customs which have been inferred by artifacts) is known. Rouse was unable to discover any definitive linguistic information about the Couri, nor was he able to find information about their clothing, shelter, or population. He suspected the Couri groups were semi-nomadic and band-like in structure due to the small, shallow nature of the sites excavated. He believes that the concept of private property may have had a role in the Couri culture, giving the stone beads and stone and shell pendants as examples. He was unable to discern anything about the religion practiced by the Couri groups, if that concept existed at all for them.The second culture Rouse identifies is called the Meillac group. In his excavations Rouse was able to recover 9,642 artifacts, over 9,200 of which were pottery sherds. These sherds were classified into 30 types. Most if the Meillac cultural material consisted of cooking pottery and ""clay griddle"". One particular type of cooking pottery that was popular in the region both in the Meillac and Carrier groups (discussed below) was the ""pepper pot"", a vessel in which most of their prepared food was made. Stone tools were rare, but some were recovered throughout the course of excavation. The flint tools that were recovered were similar to those represented in the Couri group, but the ground-stone artifacts were more developed than their Couri predecessors. Coral was utilized for the first time in the region by the Meillac groups, who used unworked coral as ""rasps"" and picks. Rouse identifies the Meillac groups as sedentary agriculturist, who relied not only on shellfish, seafood, and birds for subsistence, but they also probably cultivated corn and manioc and collected wild vegetables. Social organization would have been well developed and similar to that of historical times. He believed that they would have likely spoken the Arawak language, as they were likely the predecessors of the Carrier people, who spoke Arawak. The population of Meillac groups must have been many times larger than the population of Couri groups. People would have lived in small villages, presumably in some sort of small structure, although the only evidence we have regarding shelter comes from small middens. Trade would have been prevalent based on the presence exotic pottery types. Rouse believed that the attire of the groups would have been very light, as there is no evidence of clothing production. Evidence of 9 burials were recovered (8 of which were inhumations), which indicates some concept of life after death. There also appears to be evidence of a very early stage of the worship of zemis, Haitian historical deities, although this concept would have been in the early stages of development. There was some evidence of cutting on human remains found at Meillac sites, leading Rouse to believe that cannibalism may have been occurring. He hypothesizes that this is not out of need for food, but rather as some sort of ritual with supernatural significance. He notes, however, that there is no historical evidence for cannibalism.The final group examines by Rouse in his dissertation is called the Carrier group. During excavation of Carrier sites, Rouse recovered 2,791 artifacts, over 2,500 of which were potsherds classified into 23 types. Artifacts came in the form of the aforementioned pottery sherds, flint tools, ground-stone artifacts, and shell artifacts. Bone artifact were rare. The flint artifacts were similar in form to both the Couri and Meillac flint artifacts, while the ground-stone tools were similar to the Meillac ground-stone artifacts. The most elaborate types of artifact were the cooking pots, which included pepper pots similar to those found at Meillac sites. The only art known from these groups comes from decoration on cooking pots, which included linear geometric drawings and modeled heads. Rouse believes that Carrier people spoke the Arawak language, and were sedentary agriculturalist who hunted small animals and shellfish and, like Meillac groups, cultivated manioc and corn, along with other wild vegetables. Social organization would have been similar to Meillac group social structure, with people living houses grouped into villages. Like with the Meillac groups, Rouse believes there may be evidence for cannibalism.


=== Contribution to circum-Caribbean archaeology ===
Rouse began doing fieldwork in the Caribbean in 1934, when he worked in Haiti on the material that would lead to his dissertation. From 1935–1938 conducted fieldwork in Puerto Rico as part of the Scientific Survey of Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands project. It was through the information obtained from this project that Rouse developed a theory that different assemblages were not the result of different migrations (a theory held by a mentor of his, Froelich Rainey), but were instead the result of a single line of development. This event sparked a lifelong interest in identifying migrations of people and understanding the reason for migrations of human populations. In 1941, Rouse and Osgood conducted research in Cuba which resulted in each publishing half of an edition of a Yale University Publications in Anthropology volume in 1942. Osgood's segment was titled The Ciboney Culture of Cayo Redondo, Cuba which focused on the classification of a collection of stone, shell, coral, and bone objects from the Cayo Redondo excavation in western Cuba. Rouse's segment was titled Archaeology of the Maniabon Hills, Cuba where he examined artifacts from a number of sites in Cuba and classifies them as either having been inhabited by Ciboney Indians or Sub-Tainos Rouse spent time in 1946 in Trinidad, working with John Albert Bullbrook on his 1953 manuscript Excavations at Wari, Ayacucho, Peru and on the Excavations of a Shell Mound at Palo Seco, Trinidad, B. W. I.. He returned to the island in 1953 to do some additional work with John Goggin.In 1963 Rouse collaborated with José M. Cruxent on a publication examining Venezuelan archaeology. In this publication, Rouse and Cruxent identify two ways in which cultures can be classified: chronologically and ethnically. The authors identify four major epochs (chronological classification) to which the remains of each distinct group of people with distinct cultural traits (ethnic classification) will be assigned. The first epoch is the ""Paleo-Indian"" epoch, which began with the first inhabitants of Venezuela around 15,000 BC?. These people were big game hunters. The only ethnic ""series"" that belongs in the Paleo-Indian epoch is the Juboid series. The Meso-Indian epoch began about 5000 BC. It was a time when hunting was emphasized, as evidenced by projectile points uncovered during excavation. They were not hunting the same type of big-game animals as the Paleo-Indians were, as that food source became extinct by the time the Meso-Indian epoch started. Sites were identified largely by large piles of shells, which also indicated a reliance upon seafood as a source of subsistence. The Manicauroid series was the only ethnic series that fit in the Meso-Indian epoch. The third epoch, the Neo-Indian epoch, was characterized by the sufficient development of agriculture as a means to replace hunting as the principle mean of subsistence. This epoch began at roughly 1000 BC and included 10 ethnic series: the Dabajuroid, Tocuyanoid, Tierroid, Ocumeriod, Barrancoid, Arauquinoid, Valencioid, Memoid, Saladoid, and Guayaabitoid series.In 1973 Rouse had a heart attack while on a project in Antigua, signaling the end to his fieldwork career. This project was not a total disaster, however. As a result of the research done a much better understanding of the culture history of the northern Antilles was constructed.


==== Migrations in Caribbean prehistory ====
One major contribution Rouse made to Caribbean archaeology involves the reconstruction of the migrations that were responsible for the populating of the islands. Rouse believed that the population of the Caribbean occurred in four migrations from mainland South America  The first migration came in what Rouse called the ""lithic"" age, which happened around 6000 years ago based on the dates of the earliest sites on the islands. The second major migration occurred during the Archaic age, the third during the Ceramic age, and the final migration took place during the Historic age. Other archaeologists believed that every new pottery type was a product of a new migration from the mainland. Throughout his career, Rouse maintained that the only migrations to the islands were those mentioned above. In a 1996 interview, Rouse asserted that ""My efforts have largely been devoted to trying to counteract the assumption that everything had to come in from the outside."" One question which was of particular interest to Rouse with regards to migrations in prehistory involves the story of the Taíno. This was the culture, which was fairly complex in social structure, that was first encountered by Old World explorers, most notably Christopher Columbus. In 1986 Rouse published Migrations in Prehistory: Inferring Population Movement from Cultural Remains, a volume that included migratory hypotheses regarding the Taíno, along with Polynesian, Japanese and Eskimo migrations. In this volume Rouse discusses different population movements throughout the world, and discusses his view of the proper way to study prehistoric migrations. A review of this publication outlines the general technique Rouse believed would be most useful in studying migrations. The archaeologist must create testable hypotheses and inferences, with emphasis placed upon local development, acculturation, and transculturation. The hypotheses should also be tested against other forms of anthropological data, such as linguistic and physical anthropological data. In 1993 he published a book specifically about the Taíno titled The Taíno: Rise and Decline of the People Who Greeted Columbus. The work that Rouse did on the Taíno culture is still relevant today due to what is being called the ""Taíno Revival"" movement, which claims that contrary to the belief of most, the Taíno people are not extinct, as most history books claim. On the contrary, the movement asserts that there are still many Taíno peoples still in existence (especially in areas like Puerto Rico) who aim to show that their culture was never destroyed, despite what history books say.


==== Contribution to archaeological method and theory ====
Rouse was a proponent of the cultural historical approach to archaeology, and in ""The Strategy of Culture History"", Rouse identifies and examines the goals of this approach. Rouse identifies ""objectives"" as the building blocks of any archaeological research project, and the ultimate goal of any research project is the synthesis of a series of these objectives, which he defines as ""the end-product of any particular segment in the procedure of culture-historical research."" The quality of research will depend largely on the objectives chosen by the researcher, therefore one must consider carefully the objective of one's research before he or she begins in order to maximize the usefulness and quality of the research. He identifies a number of objective types which may be pursued in this article, including descriptive, classificatory, geographical, and chronological objectives. Rouse believed that classification was knowledge, and that a complete culture history could be produced by identifying and classifying cultures and placing them in a chronological and spatial framework.In a 1960 article in American Antiquity, Rouse breaks classification of artifacts down into two forms, analytic and taxonomic, and discusses the goals of each form. The end product of analytic classification is the ""mode"", which is produced by creating a series of classes representing different features of the artifact. Each class represents a procedure or custom followed by the maker during the process of formation. This custom or concept is the mode. Taxonomic classification is done by creating a set of classes which differentiate the artifacts in a collection by type (type being the end product of Taxonomic classification). These classes are constituted of two or more modes. Therefore, a ""type"" is made up of selected modes. Rouse notes that while modes are ""inherent"" in a collection, types are created by the archaeologist by selecting the modes which he determines to be relevant. Modes, then, are a natural unit of cultural study, whereas types are an artificial unit created by the individual archaeologist. Rouse developed his mode-attribute analysis technique, which looks at clusters of traits independently of type, as an alternate to type-variety analysis because he felt it was more sensitive to change through time.


== Personal life ==
On July 24, 1939, Rouse married Mary Mikami, a fellow graduate student in anthropology at Yale. Irving and Mary had two sons, David and Peter. David continued the family tradition by becoming an urban landscape architect, while Peter worked as chief of staff for both Tom Daschle and Barack Obama in the United States Senate.


== Significant publications ==
1939 ""Prehistory in Haiti: A Study in Method"" Yale University Publications in Anthropology No. 21, New Haven, Yale University Press.
1941 ""Culture of the Ft Liberté Region, Haiti"" Yale University Publications in Anthropology No. 24, New Haven, Yale University Press.
1942 ""Archaeology of the Maniabon Hills, Cuba"" Yale University Publications in Anthropology No. 26, New Haven, Yale University Press.
1953 ""The Strategy of Culture History"", Anthropology Today, edited by A.L. Kroeber, pp 57–76. Chicago, University of Chicago Press.
1953 ""The Circum-Caribbean Theory, An Archaeological Test"" American Anthropologist Volume 55, No. 2, 188–200.
1955 ""On the Correlation of Phases of Culture"" American Anthropologist Volume 57, No. 4, 713–722.
1960 ""The Classification of Artifacts in Archaeology"", American Antiquity Volume 25, No. 3, 313–323.
1963 Venezuelan Archaeology, Irving Rouse and José M. Cruxent, New Haven and London, Yale University Press.
1966 ""Caribbean Ceramics: A Study in Method and Theory"" Ceramics and Man, Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology, Volume 41, ed.  F.
R. Matson, pp. 88–103. New  York, Wenner-Gren  Foundation for Anthropological Research.
1972 Introduction to Prehistory: A Systematic Approach, New York, McGraw-Hill.
1977 ""Pattern and Process in West Indian Archaeology"" World Archaeology Volume 9, No. 1, 1–11.
1986 Migrations in Prehistory: Inferring Population Movement from Cultural Remains"", New Haven, Yale University Press.
1993 The Tainos: Rise and Decline of the People Who Greeted Columbu, New Haven, Yale University Press.
1999 ""Excavations at the Indian Creek Site, Antigua, West Indies""  Yale University Publications in Anthropology No. 82, New Haven, Yale University Press (With B. Faber Morse).


== Notes ==


== References ==
Ikawa-Smith, Fukimo (1986) ""Migrationism Exemplified"" Science Volume 234, No. 4780, 1132–1133.
Kearns, Richard (1999) ""Messages from Taino Restoration and Truth Reclamation/ We Never Disappeared"" Issues in Caribbean Amerindian Studies (Occasional Papers of the Caribbean Amerindian Centrelink), Volume 2, No. 4, Oct 1999 - Oct 2000. <https://web.archive.org/web/20121125131427/http://www.centrelink.org/KearnsD.html>
Keegan, William F. (2007) Benjamin Irving Rouse 1913–2006: A Biographical Memoir by William F. Keegan     <http://www.nasonline.org/publications/biographical-memoirs/memoir-pdfs/rouse-benjamin-irving.pdf>  Date Accessed 28, September, 2012
Osgood, Cornelius (1942) ""The Ciboney Culture of Cayo Redondo, Cuba"" Yale University Publications in Anthropology No. 25, Yale University Press, New Haven.
Roosevelt, Anna C and Peter E. Siegel (2007) ""Irving Rouse (1913–2006)"" American Anthropologist Volume 107, No. 1, 235–237
Rouse, Irving (1939) ""Prehistory in Haiti: A Study in Method"" Yale University Publications in Anthropology No. 21, Yale University Press, New Haven.
Rouse, Irving (1941) ""Culture of the Ft Liberté Region, Haiti"" Yale University Publications in Anthropology No. 24, Yale University Press, New Haven.
Rouse, Irving (1953) ""The Strategy of Culture History"" Anthropology Today, edited by A.L. Kroeber, pp 57–76. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
Rouse, Irving (1960) ""The Classification of Artifacts in Archaeology, American Antiquity Volume 25, No. 3, 313–323 <https://web.archive.org/web/20151010232830/http://www.capes.mae.usp.br/arquivos_pdf/1198070049.pdf>  Date Accessed 1, October, 2012
Rouse, Irving and José M. Cruxent (1963) ""Venezuelan Archaeology"" Yale University Press, New Haven and London.
Rouse, Irving (1986) ""Migrations in Prehistory: Inferring Population Movement from Cultural Remains"" Yale University Press, New Haven.
Siegel, Peter E. (1996) ""An Interview with Irving Rouse"" Current Anthropology Volume 37, No. 4, 671–689
Yale Peabody Museum of Natural History. <http://peabody.yale.edu/collections/archives/biography/irving-rouse>  Date Accessed 28, September, 2012
The Hartford Courant. February 4, 2007 <http://www.legacy.com/obituaries/hartfordcourant/obituary.aspx?n=benjamin-irving-rouse&pid=86288894#fbLoggedOut> Date Accessed 29 September 2012"
Cora DuBois,1969,"Cora Alice Du Bois (October 26, 1903 – April 7, 1991) was an American cultural anthropologist and a key figure in culture and personality studies and in psychological anthropology more generally.


== Early life and education ==
Du Bois was born in New York City on October 26, 1903, to Mattie Schreiber Du Bois and Jean Du Bois, immigrants to the U.S. from Switzerland. She spent most of her childhood in New Jersey, where she graduated from high school in Perth Amboy. She spent a year studying library science at the New York Public Library and then attended Barnard College, graduating with a B.A. in history in 1927. She earned an M.A. in history from Columbia University in 1928.
Encouraged by an anthropology course taught by Ruth Benedict and Franz Boas at Columbia, Du Bois moved to California to study anthropology with Native American specialists Alfred L. Kroeber and Robert Lowie. She received her Ph.D. in anthropology at the University of California, Berkeley in 1932.


== Early work ==
In part due to prejudices against women academics, she was initially unable to find a university position. She remained at Berkeley as a teaching fellow and research assistant from 1932 to 1935. She conducted salvage ethnography on several Native American groups of northern California and the Pacific Northwest, including the Wintu Indians of northern California. She published The 1870 Ghost Dance in 1939, a study of a religious movement among Native Americans in the Western U.S.
In 1935, Du Bois received a National Research Council Fellowship to undertake clinical training and explore possible collaborations between anthropology and psychiatry. She spent six months at the Boston Psychopathic Hospital, now the Massachusetts Mental Health Center, and six months at the New York Psychoanalytic Society. In New York she worked with psychiatrist Abram Kardiner, who became her mentor and collaborator for several projects in cross-cultural diagnosis and the psychoanalytic study of culture. Du Bois also taught at Hunter College in 1936–1937 while developing a fieldwork project to test their new ideas.


== Work in Indonesia and OSS ==
From 1937 to 1939, Du Bois lived and conducted research on the island of Alor, part of the Netherlands East Indies, now Indonesia. She collected detailed case studies, life-history interviews, and administered various personality tests (including Rorschach tests), which she interpreted in collaboration with Kardiner and published as The People of Alor: A Social-Psychological Study of an East Indian Island in 1944. One of her major theoretical advances in this work was the concept of ""modal personality structure"". With this notion she modified earlier ideas in the Culture and Personality school of anthropology on ""basic personality structure"" by demonstrating that, while there is always individual variation within a culture, each culture favors the development of a particular type or types, which will be the most common within that culture. Her work strongly influenced other psychiatric anthropologists, including Robert I. Levy, with his person-centered ethnography, and Melford Spiro.
Like many other American social scientists during World War II, Du Bois served as a member of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) working in the Research and Analysis Branch as Chief of the Indonesia section. In 1944 she moved to Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) to serve as chief of research and analysis for the Army's Southeast Asia Command.For her service to the country in the OSS, Du Bois received the Exceptional Civilian Service Award from the United States Army in 1946. The Thai government honored her with the Order of the Crown of Thailand in 1949 for her efforts during the war on behalf of Thailand.


== Later work and Harvard career ==
She left the OSS after World War II and from 1945 to 1949 was Southeast Asia Branch Chief in the State Department's Office of Intelligence Research. In 1950, she declined an appointment to succeed Kroeber as head of the anthropology department at Berkeley rather than sign the California Loyalty Oath required of all faculty members. Du Bois worked for the World Health Organization in 1950–1951.  In 1954, she accepted an appointment at Harvard University as the second person to be the Samuel Zemurray Jr. and Doris Zemurray Stone-Radcliffe Professor at Radcliffe College. She was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1955. She was the first woman tenured in Harvard's Anthropology Department and the second woman tenured in the Faculty of Arts and Sciences at Harvard. She conducted research between 1961 and 1967 in the temple city of Bhubaneswar in the Indian state of Orissa, where a number of graduate students in Anthropology and Social Relations conducted fieldwork.
Du Bois was president of the American Anthropological Association in 1968–1969 and of the Association for Asian Studies in 1969–1970, the first woman to be allowed that honor.In 1970 she retired from Harvard but continued teaching as Professor-at-large at Cornell University (1971–1976) and for one term at the University of California, San Diego (1976). Most of her research materials and personal papers are held in the Tozzer Library at Harvard University. Some are in the Regenstein Library at the University of Chicago.


== Personal life ==
Du Bois met Jeanne Taylor, another OSS employee, in Ceylon. There she began a lesbian relationship with her. They lived together as a couple and in the mid-1950s they visited Paul and Julia Child in Paris. Du Bois' obituary in The New York Times called Taylor ""her longtime companion."" Du Bois and Taylor, according to her Harvard Library biography, ""enjoyed an active social life"" together.


== Death ==
Cora Du Bois, aged 87, died from pneumonia and heart failure on April 11, 1991, in Brookline, Massachusetts.


== Selected works ==
Cora Du Bois (1935). Wintu Ethnography. Berkeley, California: University of California.
Cora Du Bois (July 1937). ""Some Anthropological Perspectives on Psychoanalysis"". The Psychoanalytic Review. National Psychological Association for Psychoanalysis. 24 (3): 246–263. ISSN 0033-2836.
Cora Du Bois (1938). The Feather Cult of the Middle Columbia. Menasha, Wisconsin: George Banta Publishing Co.
Cora Du Bois (1939). The 1870 Ghost Dance. Berkeley, California: University of California Press.
Cora Du Bois (1944). The People of Alor: A Social-Psychological Study of an East Indian Island. Minneapolis, Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press.
Cora Du Bois (1949). Social Forces in Southeast Asia. Minneapolis, Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press.
Cora Du Bois (1956). Foreign Students and Higher Education in the United States. Washington, D.C.: American Council on Education.


== Interlocutors ==
Abram Kardiner, psychiatrist
Ralph Linton, anthropologist


== Notable students ==
Jean Briggs, cultural and psychological anthropologist, Canadian Inuit
Richard Taub, sociologist
Richard A. Shweder, cultural anthropologist and cultural psychologist, Orissa


== References ==


== External links ==
Guide to the Cora DuBois Papers 1961–1972 at University of Chicago Library"
"George M. Foster, Jr.",1970,"George McClelland Foster Jr. (October 9, 1913 – May 18, 2006) was an American anthropologist at the University of California, Berkeley, best known for contributions on peasant societies (the ""principle of limited good"" and the ""Dyadic Contract"") and as one of the founders of medical anthropology. He served as President of the American Anthropological Association (elected 1970).  And was elected member of the U.S. National Academy of Sciences (elected 1976)and  American Academy of Arts and Sciences (elected 1980). He received the 1982  Malinowski Award from the Society for Applied Anthropology and the  Lifetime Achievement Award from the Society for Medical Anthropology in 2005. A festschrift in his honor was published in 1979. He was married to the linguist Mary LeCron Foster, and in 1997 the U.C. Berkeley anthropology library was renamed the George and Mary Foster Anthropology Library in their honor.


== Selected publications ==
Foster, George M. (1960) Culture and Conquest: America's Spanish Heritage, Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology No. 27. New York: Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research.
Foster, George M. (1961) The Dyadic Contract: A model for social structure of a Mexican peasant village. Am. Anthropol. 63:1173–1192.
Foster, George M.(1962) Traditional Cultures and the Impact of Technological Change, New York: Harper & Bros.
Foster, George M.(1967) Tzintzuntzan: Mexican Peasants in a Changing World, Boston: Little, Brown and Co.


== References ==


== External links ==
National Academy of Sciences Biographical Memoir
Finding Aid to the George McClelland Foster Papers, 1934–2005, The Bancroft Library"
Charles Wagley,1971,"Charles Wagley (1913–1991) was an American anthropologist and leading pioneer in the development of Brazilian anthropology. Wagley began graduate work in the 1930s at Columbia University, where he fell under the spell of Franz Boas and what later became known as the ""historical particularist” mode of anthropology.
Wagley completed his dissertation, entitled Economics of a Guatemalan Village, in 1942, but had already begun exploring other fieldsites in Brazil. Along with Claude Lévi-Strauss, Wagley was one of the chief exponents in Brazilian anthropology.During World War II, Wagley’s familiarity with Brazil’s agriculture industry led him to advocate the US government to channel aid to Latin America to facilitate rubber production. During this time, he conducted long trips in the Amazon Basin, researching specifically among the Tapirapé of central Brazil and with the Tenetahara in the eastern portion of the country.
Wagley returned to Columbia and took several key leadership roles. Also teaching in Columbia at the time was Julian Steward, another former student of Boas’ and whose idea of areal studies greatly impacted a new shift in American anthropology. Wagley would also become the director for the Latin American Institute at Columbia. He later left Columbia for an Emeritus position at the University of Florida, where he spearheaded the development of the Center for Tropical Conservation and Development.


== Contributions ==
Wagley would borrow expound on the concept of area studies in an influential paper presented at one of the first social science meetings devoted to the Caribbean region. Entitled “Plantation America: A Culture Sphere,” Wagley’s short paper sets forth a number of criteria used to establish varying “culture spheres” as frames of reference. The idea was central to redistributing area studies in the New World, and divided it up into three culture spheres: Euro-America, Indo-America, and Plantation-America.The criteria Wagley used to categorize these spheres demonstrates a new research design in American anthropology. Taking into account geography, the environment, linguistic material, local and specific histories, and especially modes of production, Wagley belonged to a generation of academics which united British social anthropology and American cultural anthropology.
For the Caribbean, at least, this shift is important. Until then, British social science of the Caribbean and West Indies followed a modified version of structural-functionalism known as cultural pluralism. This theoretical stance had popular support among West Indian intellectuals and Independence movements, but was seen by others as a justification for racism between ethnic groups through the denial of class conflicts and class dynamics among ethnic groups. As a result, cultural pluralist thinkers were reluctant to consider modes of production or economic histories on par with social institutions such as marriage or religion. With the idea of “culture sphere,” the work of Wagley, along with Steward, Sidney Mintz, Eric Wolf, and others, helped construct a much more comparative approach for Caribbean studies.


== Published works ==
Wagley, Charles. 1957. ""Plantation America: A Culture Sphere,"" in Caribbean Studies, A Symposium edited by Vera Rubin, p. 3–13.
Wagley, Charles. 1959. ""On the Concept of Social Race in the Americas"" in Actas del XXXIII Congreso Internacional de Americanistas, San Jose, 20–27 Julio 1958, Tomo 1. San Jose, Costa Rica: Lehman, p. 403–417.
Wagley, Charles. 1963. An Introduction to Brazil. New York, Columbia University Press.
Wagley, Charles. 1976. Amazon Town: A Study of Man in the Tropics. London, Oxford University Press.
Wagley, Charles. 1977. Welcome of Tears: The Tapirapé Indians of Central Brazil. Waveland Press 1983. ISBN 978-0-88133-030-4.


== References ==


== External links ==
Charles Wagley Papers Digital Collection at the University of Florida.
Charles Wagley interview, Oral History Collection — University of Florida"
Anthony F. C. Wallace,1972,"Anthony Francis Clarke Wallace (April 15, 1923 – October 5, 2015) was a Canadian-American anthropologist who specialized in Native American cultures, especially the Iroquois. His research expressed an interest in the intersection of cultural anthropology and psychology.  He was famous for the theory of revitalization movements.


== Early life and education ==
Wallace was born in Toronto, Ontario, in 1923, and was the son of the historian Paul Wallace and his wife a British national. After attending school in Annville, Pennsylvania, he enrolled into Lebanon Valley College, in 1941, where he studied French-Canadian folklore, and later, the oral literature of the Iroquois and
Lenape. A year later, Wallace joined the Army Specialized Training Program at the University of Cincinnati, and studied electrical engineering there for one year. In October 1944, he was assigned to the 14th Armored Division in Southern France where he remained until the end of the war in 1945.After the war, Wallace returned to his studies and earned his B.A. in history in 1947 and an M.A. and PhD in anthropology in 1949 and 1950 respectively from the University of Pennsylvania. It was during 1947 studies, when he published his first article entitled ""Woman, Land, and Society: Three Aspects of Aboriginal Delaware Life"", and following its success, joined the Department of Anthropology after reading The Golden Bough by James George Frazer. During his graduate studies at Penn, Wallace was a student of American ethnologist Frank Speck and when professors Alfred Irving Hallowell, Loren Eiseley, and Ward Goodenough joined the faculty, Wallace became their student too.For his M.A. in 1949, Wallace wrote a thesis titled ""A Psychocultural Analysis of the Life of Teedyuscung, a Delaware Indian, 1700-1763"" which was published same year under King of the Delawares title. His Ph.D. thesis was entitled ""The Modal Personality Structure of the Tuscarora Indians: As Revealed by the Rorschach Test"" that appeared two years later in the Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin. While completing his Ph.D., Wallace was already married to Betty, and already had two children, Anthony and Daniel.


== Career ==
Immediately after graduation, Wallace started to receive position offers from University of Wisconsin and Yale, but due to his family ties, turned them down in order to remain in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. His decision was also justified by the fact that he already was an instructor at Bryn Mawr College, a position that he was thoroughly enjoying. The previously obtained Ph.D., allowed Wallace to hold numerous part-time positions at the University of Pennsylvania where in 1955 he became senior research associate at the Eastern Pennsylvania Psychiatric Institute, at which place he later became the Director of Clinical Research, and served as such until its closure in 1980. From 1955 to 1960, Wallace served as research associate at the institute and visiting associate professor in the Department of Anthropology at Penn, following which, he was appointed director of clinical research at the University of Pennsylvania. A year later, after writing Culture and Personality, he abandoned that position, in order to become full-time professor and chairman of the Department of Anthropology at Penn.The Cold War, which started around the same time, allowed Wallace to join the National Academy of Sciences Committee which was headed by William N. Fenton, an anthropologist and Iroquois expert, at that time. During his stay with the committee, he was responsible for the study of aftermath of a tornado at Worcester, Massachusetts in 1953. A year prior to it, Wallace already published an article on Native American studies titled ""Handsome Lake and the Great Revival in the West"" which in 1969 was published as part of his book The Death and Rebirth of the Seneca. His other notable works of that time were the ""Mazeway Resynthesis: A Biocultural Theory of Religious Inspiration"" and ""Mazeway Disintegration"" which were published in 1956 and 1957 respectively. At time when he was writing those articles, he wrote a report on tornado studies in Worcester, Massachusetts entitled ""Tornado in Worcester: An Exploratory Study of Individual and Community Behavior in an Extreme Situation"" which was later published under Rockdale and St. Clair, a precursor of his future career. His last publication in that field was in 1960. Entitled ""The Meaning of Kinship Terms"", the work was written by him and his colleague, a fellow anthropologist John Atkins.At the age of 40, the Wallace family began adopting children from Korea, bringing their family to six. From 1965 to 1966, he taught ""Primitive Religion"", one of the courses on the Anthropology of Religion. It was during these times when Wallace wrote Religion: An Anthropological View and became a mentor to future anthropologists Raymond D. Fogelson and Richard Bauman. During the late 1960s, Wallace shared an office with fellow anthropologist Greg Urban at the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology.Around 1971, Wallace, after finishing his term as department chair, he became an author of such books as Rockdale and Saint Clair which were awarded Bancroft and Dexter Prizes in 1987 and 1989 respectively. In 1980, he became the first Geraldine R. Segal Professor in American Social Thought at the University of Pennsylvania, and three years later became Professor of the Department of Anthropology at the same institution. Until his retirement in 1988, Wallace served on the board of the Research Foundation of the University, the Faculty Editorial Committee of the University Press and the Ethnohistory Committee.


== Retirement and death ==
After his retirement in 1988, Wallace returned to the study of Native American culture, writing such books as The Long, Bitter Trail: Andrew Jackson and the Indians in 1992 and Tuscarora: A History in 2013. A decade before the publication, Wallace's wife, Betty, with whom he planned to move to western New York, so that he would be closer to the Tuscarora Reservation, had died.He died on October 5, 2015, in Ridley Park, Pennsylvania, where he had been residing.


== Works ==
(1949) King of the Delawares: Teedyuscung 1700–1763.
(1952) The Modal Personality Structure of the Tuscarora Indians, as Revealed by the Rorschach Test, Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.
(1961) Culture and Personality, New York: Random House.
(1966) Religion: An Anthropological View.
(1969) The Death and Rebirth of the Seneca, with the assistance of Sheila C. Steen, New York: Random House.
(1978) Rockdale: The Growth of an American Village in the Early Industrial Revolution, New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
(1982) The Social Context of Innovation, Princeton University Press.
(1987) Saint Clair: a Nineteenth Century Coal Town's Experience with a Disaster-Prone Industry, New York: Random House; 1988 with corrections, Ithaca, NY, and London: Cornell University Press, ISBN 978-0-8014-9900-5. LCCN n/88/4772.
(1993) ""The Long, Bitter Trail"", New York: Hill & Wang.
(1999) ""Jefferson and the Indians:  The Tragic Fate of the First Americans"",  Cambridge, MA:  Belknap Press.
(2012) Tuscarora: A History, Albany, NY: SUNY Press.
(2013, December) ""Commentary: 'Growing Up Indian': Childhood and the Survival of Nations"" in Ethos (Journal of the Society for Psychological Anthropology) Volume 41:4, pp. 337–340.


== References ==


== Sources ==
Darnell, Regna (2006) ""Keeping the Faith: A Legacy of Native American Ethnography, Ethnohistory, and Psychology.""  In: New Perspectives on Native North America: Cultures, Histories, and Representations, ed. by Sergei A. Kan and Pauline Turner Strong, pp. 3–16.  Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.
Kan, Sergei A., and Pauline Turner Strong (2006) Introduction. In: New Perspectives on Native North America: Cultures, Histories, and Representations, pp. xi-xlii. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.


== External links ==
Anthony F. C. Wallace Papers at the American Philosophical Society"
Joseph B. Casagrande,1973,"Joseph Bartholomew Casagrande (February 14, 1915 – June 2, 1982) was an American anthropologist.
A native of Cincinnati, Ohio, born on February 14, 1915, Casagrande moved with his parents, Louis Bartholomew Casagrande and Alma Hauskee, to Chicago at a young age. When his parents divorced, Casagrande and his mother moved to West Allis, Wisconsin and later Whitefish Bay. After graduating from Whitefish Bay High School as a multisport student athlete, Casagrande earned a bachelor's degree from the University of Wisconsin in 1938, and completed a doctorate in anthropology at Columbia University in 1951. He began teaching at the University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign in 1960, and co-founded the school's department of anthropology alongside Julian Steward, Oscar Lewis, and Kenneth L. Hale. Casagrande served as vice president and president of the American Ethnological Society from 1962 to 1964, and was president of the American Anthropological Association in 1973. Over the course of his career, Casagrande was granted fellowship by the AAA, the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, the Society for Applied Anthropology, and the American Association for the Advancement of Science. He remained on the UIUC faculty until his death in 1982. Casagrande died in Las Vegas, Nevada, of a stroke on June 2, 1982.


== References =="
Edward H. Spicer,1974,"Edward Holland ""Ned"" Spicer was an American anthropologist who combined the four-field approach outlined by Franz Boas and trained in the structural-function approach of Radcliffe-Brown and the University of Chicago. He joined the anthropology faculty at the University of Arizona in 1946 and retired from teaching in 1976. Spicer contributed to all four fields of anthropology through his study of the American Indians, the Southwest, and the clash of cultures defined in his award-winning book, Cycles of Conquest. Spicer combined the elements of historical, structural, and functional analysis to address the question of socio-cultural change. He was a teacher, researcher, editor, and practitioner, who applied his perspective to address the issues confronting the people he worked with. 


== Early life: growing up and education (1906–1924) ==
Edward Holland Spicer was born on November 25, 1906 in Cheltenham, PA, the youngest of three children born to Robert Barclay Spicer and Margaret Jones Spicer. The Spicers' first son died several years before their second son, William, known as Bill, was born. Edward, known as Ned, was born several years later.
In 1908, Robert, who was a Quaker, moved his family to Arden, Delaware where he took a job as editor of the Quaker journal, The Friends Intelligencia. Arden was founded in 1900 by a Quaker group as a single tax community based on the principle of Henry George; there, Ned and Bill were exposed to the liberal economic and political ideas of the community. They participated in the local Shakespearean Theater every summer. Arden provided a pleasant rural setting in which the boys absorbed the intellectual atmosphere of the town.
Robert was fired from his editor's post because of his extreme liberal views. As a result, he turned to truck farming which introduced Bill and Ned to farming life. They helped with the daily raking and hoeing of the plants and vegetables. They tended to the animals of the farm, including goats and rabbits, and helped the household out by hauling firewood for the house and water from the town pump.
In keeping with the local practice, Margaret homeschooled the boys. The mothers in the community took in their neighbors' children for schooling in their homes for a month at a time, each month switching off with another mother. During this period, he learned to read and developed a lifelong love for books and writing. From his father, Ned learned about philology. By the time he was 12, he was copying words and texts of the Algonquin (Delaware) language. Ned displayed interest and curiosity in nature and the environment in and around Arden. He spent time learning and memorizing the scientific names of local plants and animals. Ned was homeschooled until he was 13. 
Ned began his formal education when he was 13 years old. His parents enrolled Ned in the Friends School in nearby Wilmington. Ned commuted from home to the school by train daily for the next 3 years. His formal education continued in 1922 when his father moved the family to Louisville, Kentucky after Robert took a job with the Society for the Prevention of Tuberculosis. Ned was enrolled at the Louisville Male High School.  
While in Louisville, Ned developed an interest in sailing. He built a canoe and outfitted it with a sail, which he sailed and cruised in around the Ohio River. In February 1924, Ned graduated, left home, and enrolled in the Commonwealth College in New Llano, Louisiana. Commonwealth College was an experimental institution that featured classical and experiential training. 


== Wandering: A period of exploration (1924–1932) ==
After 2 months, Ned and his friend Vic dropped out and went to New Orleans to find work as seamen. Vic found a job on a merchant ship and left Ned on his own until he found a job as a ""cook's helper"" on the Aquarius, a merchant ship sailing to Germany. Ned's first international travel brought him to post-war Germany where he visited Bremerhaven, Stettin and Hamburg where he witnessed a different world. Upon returning to Louisville he found his father Robert dying of cancer.
Following his father's death, he and his mother returned to Wilmington where they found employment at the Greenwood Bookstore. Louisville had been a mixed period in Ned's life: while he enjoyed his experiences on the river and building of the boat, it was also a period of mixed emotions, introspection and self-doubt common to teenage boys. Ned turned 18 in November and continued to work at the bookstore until he found himself drawn back to the sea.
In early 1925, Ned returned to the sea, first as a crewman on the banana boat, Metapan, that left New Orleans for Puerto Barrios, Guatemala. According to his wife, Rosamond, that experience ended Ned's interest in eating bananas. Upon return he signed on to the ore ship, John C. Coolidge, on the Great Lakes. A seaman's strike later that year ended Ned's career as a seaman.
In the fall of 1925, Ned enrolled at the University of Delaware and planned to major in Chemistry. He had enjoyed the chemistry classes in Louisville and thought of a career as a chemist with Dupont, there in Wilmington. He changed majors to literature and drama, which Ned's mother had encouraged her son to explore after he found the chemistry being taught at the university was not what he expected. During his time at the university, Ned joined the Footlight Club and acted in several plays. He joined the compulsory ROTC program, despite his Quaker upbringing, and rose to the rank of cadet Captain. He also studied German during his two years there.)
While at the University of Delaware, he wrote a paper entitled ""Is there Race Superiority?"" that awakened an interest in the social sciences. One of the courses he took was in economics.  As a child, Ned and his brother, Bill, were raised in a socialist environment. He would later remark, ""In my youth I had been strongly influenced … by Scott Netting, the radical economists at the Wharton School … who was a friend of my father."".During his sophomore year he heard about a new program at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, a Quaker institution. As part of the new program undergraduates were allowed to take graduate level courses before they had received their bachelor's degree. In the fall of 1927, Ned transferred to John Hopkins and switched to a social science major.
While in Baltimore, he lived with two maiden aunts, sisters to his father. He chose to take some of his social science courses at the graduate level. He found the liberal environment at John Hopkins welcoming and helped found a student club, The Young Radicals, where he served as president of the club that brought together students who had socialist leanings. He contributed the paper, ""Theory of Hours and Production"" to a graduate level seminar based on his experience during the seamen's strike.
At this time was also a period of introspection where he questioned his choices and goals, often expressing himself through poetry. In his second year at John Hopkins, he became disinterested in political economics. Despite a full scholarship, Ned dropped out of college in 1928 without completing his degree. Shortly thereafter he was diagnosed with symptoms of pulmonary tuberculosis, spending most of the year at the Maryland State Sanatorium.
While in the sanatorium, he worked in the hospital laboratory doing sputum analysis for all the patients of the sanatorium. He developed an interest in astronomy and spent nights in August and November charting meteor showers and sending his observations to the National Observatory in Washington, DC. Years later he would have an asteroid (""2065 Spicer"") named after him for his help in 1955 negotiations between the Tohono O'odham Nation  and the Association of Universities for Research in Astronomy in acquiring land for the Kitt Peak National Observatory on the reservation.Ned left the hospital in 1928 and questioned what to do next. Opening a map of the US and closing his eyes, Ned stuck his finger on the map, where it landed on Arizona.With help from his mother, he bought a bus ticket to Phoenix, where he found a number of jobs to support himself and a place to stay. Ned obtained a position with the Arizona Agricultural Inspection Service serving as an inspector in Yuma and in Salome, Arizona. Despite a diagnosis of ""smallpox"" which might have been ""valley fever,"" he was able to continue his job, though he was quarantined at the Yuma Pest House. Meanwhile, he had decided to complete his BA in economics and saved money to go the University of Arizona. During the Great Depression the bank where he had placed his savings failed, and the job would be a lifesaver despite the crash postponing his plans for a year. By the end of 1930, he had saved up enough to enroll at the University of Arizona.


== Studying: University training  (1931–1946) ==
In the fall of 1931, he enrolled at the University of Arizona and moved to Tucson. He learned that in order to complete his major in economics, only one advanced course in economic theory was needed. He completed his undergraduate course requirements and earned his BA degree with a major in Economics and Senior Honors.While completing his BA course work, he enrolled in a course on southwestern Indians with Clara Lee Frapps (née Tanner). Dr. Dean Byron Cummings headed the Department of Archaeology at the University at the time and invited Ned to go with him on explorations for sites on weekends. These trips reinforced Ned's interest and skills in archaeology. He collected pot shards on these trips and brought them home to be sorted, cataloged, and analyzed, skills that would lay the foundation for his Masters degree.
In the summer of 1932, Ned worked on the King's Ruin site and wrote his MA thesis on King's Ruin, analyzing the pottery specimens from the site. He found that the ""black on gray"" motif was similar to other material found in the Upper Verde Valley. However, there was enough difference to identify them as a sub-class that he named Prescott black on gray. Ned worked on the Apache Reservation at the Kinishba site later that year.During the 1932–33 school year, an opportunity developed to excavate at the Tuzigoot ruins. The Great Depression caused many miners to be let go by the United Verde Copper Company, a major employer in Yavapai County. To offset the resulting unemployment, Grace Sparkes, Chamber of Commerce secretary, envisioned excavation of ruins at Tuzigoot in Clarkdale, near Prescott, AZ.Ned and Louis R. Caywood were hired for under the Federal Emergency Relief Administration (CWA), later known as the WPA. They organized the project with Ned as the dig's supervisor and Louis in charge of the lab. Ned's mother came out to help with the kitchen and housekeeping. Harry Getty later joined to help supervise the project. The project and partial reconstruction of the site was completed in 10 months,  paving the way for the Tuzigoot National Monument.When the Tuzigoot excavation was finished, Ned began working at the Museum of Northern Arizona. He collaborated with Drs. Harold S. Colton and Lyndon Lane Hargrave analyzing artifacts from Pueblo I pithouses in the San Francisco Mountains. In May 1933, Ned gave his first formal report on the pottery of the site at the meeting of the American Association for the Advancement of Science in Las Cruces, New Mexico (Watson Smith 1983: 76). At the time, Ned was deeply interested in an archaeological career, but not a Ph.D.
In the 1932-33 school year, Ned took courses that were taught by John Provinse, who joined the faculty at the University of Arizona to begin his first teaching job. Among the courses were ""History of Anthropology"" and ""Primitive Society"" . Ned observed that ""in the classroom [Provinse] radiated a deep conviction that the social sciences ought to be used practically, and at the same time, fostered skepticism and caution about facile claims for them."" (Edward H. Spicer 1966: 991) 
Provinse encouraged him to pursue a PhD, with Ned later writing ""John Provinse … urged me to go to the University of Chicago. In an exploratory mood, I went and met [Alfred] Radcliffe-Brown and [Robert] Redfield. From then on I was under the spell of social anthropology.""Ned applied to the University of Chicago for the 1934-35 school year, where he was accepted and given a full scholarship. He worked for Redfield by cataloging and managing Redfield's office library. 
In the winter of 1935, Ned suffered a hemorrhage and was taken to Flint Goodrich Hospital on the university campus. He remained there until the late fall of 1935 with a diagnosis of pulmonary tuberculosis. Ros later remarked that the doctors believed it was ""valley fever"" acquired in his days as an agricultural inspector. Neither Ned nor his family had the funds needed to pay the hospital, although Department Head Dr. Fay-Cooper ""Papa"" Cole found the funds to pay for the stay.Cole suggested that Ros take notes for Ned and take them to him while he was in the hospital so that he could receive credit for courses. While he was in the hospital, Ned delved into readings such as Elementary Forms of Religion by Emil Durkheim. When Ned was released from the hospital, Redfield, Cole, and Provinse provided financial support and arranged for him to return to Tucson and work at the Arizona State Museum analyzing Indian skeletal materials. (RS 1990: 13)
In June 1936, Ned and Ros were married by her father in Chicago. They honeymooned in Tucson at the Yaqui village of Pascua and began their research on their respective theses. Ned's research project was suggested by John Provinse. Ros described their experience of moving in, learning the language, and creating a place in the local community.The Spicers completed their field work in 1937 after which Ned began searching for a job. His contacts at the University of Chicago found him a fall semester opening at Dillard University, an all-Black College in New Orleans. Here, over the next two years, they experienced a very different world from that of the University of Chicago. Among the courses Ned taught at Dillard during this period were: ""Primitive Society"", ""Minority Peoples in the US,"" and ""The Concept of Race.""
Between 1937 and 1939, Ned wrote a draft of his dissertation. After presenting the first draft to his dissertation advisor Redfield, he was devastated for weeks. According to Ros, Redfield observed, ""This is fine as an ethnographic field report, but where is your thesis?"" (R. Spicer 1990:13). Ned had to completely rewrite the dissertation, turning to Radcliffe-Brown for guidance in reshaping his dissertation. Ned was awarded his Ph.D. in 1939, and published his dissertation through the University of Chicago Press in 1940, as ""Pascua, A Yaqui Village in Arizona."" He and Ros began writing on a second book, ""The People of Pascua"", which was not completed at the time. Later, Rosamond completed and published the book posthumously in 1988. . 
In the fall of 1939, Ned took an interim position at the University of Arizona to fill in for Harry Getty who had gone back to the University of Chicago to finish his PhD studies. During this time, he met Malinowski, who was visiting the University of Arizona. They discussed Ned's interpretation of the Yaqui ceremonials, which Malinowski memorialized in a letter to Ned (quoted in Troy). As a result, Ned's structural-functionalism tended to shift from that of Radcliffe-Brown toward the Malinowskian perspective. 
After acquiring his PhD, Ned completed his period of study and began his academic career. In the spring of 1940, he applied for a Guggenheim Grant to conduct research among the Yaqui in Sonora, Mexico. He received the grant and began his study in the fall of 1941. However, the study was cut short by the US joining World War II (WWII), as Mexico, declaring its neutrality, expelled all Americans from the country.
1941 to 1946 saw a period of transition for the Spicer Family. With the start of WWII, many US anthropologists became involved in the war effort. Ned became employed with the War Relocation Authority, charged with the removal and oversight of Japanese-American citizens and Immigrants from the U.S West Coast. For Ned, it was his introduction to ""applied"" anthropology. 
Like many social scientists and anthropologists, teaching and research activity was curtailed or redirected in the United States to serve the war effort. Ned served the war effort in the War Relocation Authority first as the community analyst at the Poston WRA Camp on the Poston Indian Reservation(?) under the leadership of Dr. Alexander Leighton. Later, the family would move to Washington DC where Ned served as head of the Community Analyst Program within the WRA.  While in Washington, he helped to form the Society for Applied Anthropology (SfAA). The new organization was led by his former mentor, John Provinse, who served as the first President (1941–44?).  
With the end of the Second World War, many anthropologists returned to their academic careers. Others found new careers in the post-war world. Provinse tried to encourage Ned to seek a position in applied anthropology, however, when offered a faculty position at the University of Arizona, he accepted. This began his career for the next 37 years.


== Working: Career achievements (1946–1983) ==
With his temporary appointment to the Anthropology Department at the University of Arizona, Edward H. Spicer began his career as a professional anthropologist. It was a career that would be broad in scope and influential on many fronts, as Ned was one of the last links between Boasian four-field anthropology and modern day theoretical and applied anthropology. 
Early on in his career, he joined the American Anthropological Association (AAA). While in Washington, Spicer also joined the Society for Applied Anthropology (SfAA) as a founding member while it was headed by John Provinse as its president. He would serve as Vice President of the Society in 1946(?). He served as Vice President of the latter in 1947-48 and in 1976 the Society for Applied Anthropology honored Spicer with its Bronislaw Malinowski Award. Spicer's acceptance speech at its meeting in St. Louis was entitled ""Beyond Analysis and Explanation? Notes on the Life and Times of the Society for Applied Anthropology"".

Spicer viewed ""applied anthropology"" as a very serious and responsible activity throughout his working career. Unlike many of the ""applied"" anthropologists of the period he did not leave a behind a definitive school of thought followed by ""students"". Yet his impact is to be measured in the number of students that he trained in applied anthropology , in the number of situations he found himself involved in that called for an applied anthropological perspective, and the number of publications on the subject that he produced during his career from 1946 – 1983.
Among these  were organizing and editing a series of symposia on the issue related to training in the application of anthropology to field situations. In the introduction to ""Human Problems and Technological Change"" (1952) he expressed his definition of applied anthropology in the following terms.

""Changing people's customs is an even more delicate responsibility than surgery. When a surgeon takes up his instruments, he assumes responsibility for a human life. ... The administrator of a program of technological change carries a heavier responsibility. Whenever he seeks to alter a people's way of life, he is dealing not with one individual, but with the well-being and happiness of generations of men and woman.""(p. 13)

The key concept that Spicer learned at the University of Chicago was the importance of  ""acculturation"" in the study of societies and cultures and applying a structural-functional point of view. In ""Perspectives in American Indian Culture Change,"" (1962), and ""Ethnic Medicine in the Southwest"", (1977) among other works, he led and edited seminars that explored this concept. Spicer chose teaching and research as the basis for his career, despite Provinse's urging that he make applied anthropology his career. Once he joined the faculty of the University of Arizona, he found a home where he could pursue his many interests, applied and academic. 
His 100 publications show his commitment to the Yaqui tribe's history and socio-cultural dynamics. From his community study ""Pascua: A Yaqui Village in Southern Arizona"" (1940) asked questions that called for a broader perspective, which led to his most successful project – Cycles of Conquest  which won the Southwestern Library Association's 1964 award for Best Book on the Southwest. Cycles pointed to the complexity of the acculturation concept as it affected the contact between native peoples and different ""conquerors"". He was in the process of developing the ideas that came from that research at the time of his death. His wife, Rosamond published his thoughts on the subject in a paper entitled, ""The Nations of a State"" that appeared in 1992 .
He served as Editor of the American Anthropologist from 1960-1963. He was elected president of the AAA in 1972 to serve as president for the 1973-74 term. He identified three major issues that the profession faced: first, ""the old and possibly insoluble"" problem of the integration of anthropology; second, the problem of understanding anthropologists in relation to the society in which they operate, particularly on the subject of jobs and the Committee on Ethics; and third, a widening of anthropology presences by international meetings that signified the internationalization of the discipline. 
In 1978, he served on AAA's Committee on Anthropology as a Profession (CAP). The CAP discussed, among other matters, the recent proliferation of specializations in anthropology and the resulting loss of a sense of common direction among anthropologists. Spicer was one of two members of the Committee along with Eliot D. Chapple to prepare brief statements on this theme, which were published in the AAA's October Newsletter. This set-in motion the reorganization of the AAA that would be completed in the 1980s. 
In addition to the AAA, Ned occupied a number of roles within the Department of Anthropology, in the Tucson Community (in particular the Fort Lowell neighborhood), the State of Arizona, and the national and international scene.
According to the Worldcat.com in 2019, Spicer's contributions are represented worldwide by 102 works in 426 publications in 3 languages and 10,740 library holdings.


== Marriage and family ==
Spicer enrolled in the PhD program at the University of Chicago in the fall of 1934 where he met Rosamond Spicer (née Brown), a graduate student enrolled in the Masters program while working together on a departmental seminar on India in the basement of the main library. In June 1935 he married Rosamond in a service conducted by her father. They spent their honeymoon in Pascua Village in Tucson where they conducted their field work for their respective degrees. She became a noted anthropologist in her own right.  Together they had three children (Barry, Penny, and Lawson) and four grandchildren. Spicer died in Tucson, Arizona on April 5, 1983 from cancer at the age 76.


== Legacy and honors ==
Spicer Awards and Grants

1935 Sigma Chi @ Chicago University of Chicago
1941 Guggenheim Award Research Yaquis in Sonora, Mexico
1955 Guggenheim Award Research Yaquis in Oaxaca, Mexico
1957 University of Arizona Award for distinguished teaching and/or research
1963 National Science Foundation senior fellowship Comparative studies in Mexico, Peru, and Ecuador of programs for Indian betterment,
1964 University of Arizona Award for distinguished teaching and/or research
1965 Southwestern Library Association ""Best Book on the Southwest"" award
1969 National Endowment for the Humanities Fellowship Fieldwork in Spain, Ireland, and Wales
1972 University of Arizona Award for distinguished teaching and/or research
1974 Election Presidency of the American Anthropological Association in 1974,
1974 Elected to American Philosophical Society Member
1975 Elected to the National Academy of Sciences Member
1976 Society for Applied Anthropology Bronislaw Malinowski Award
1978 University of Arizona Award for distinguished teaching and/or research
1979 American Anthropological Association's Distinguished Service Award
1980 Southwestern Anthropological Association's Outstanding Scholarship Award in 1980,
1983 Kitt Peak National Observatory Minor Planet (2055) Named ""Spicer""named in his memory


== References =="
Ernestine Friedl,1975,"Ernestine Friedl (August 13, 1920 – October 12, 2015) was an American anthropologist, author, and professor. She served as the president of both the American Ethnological Society (1967) and the American Anthropological Association (1974–1975). Friedl was also the first female Dean of Arts and Sciences and Trinity College at Duke University, and was a James B. Duke Professor Emerita. A building on Duke's campus, housing the departments of African and African American Studies, Cultural Anthropology, the Latino/Latina Studies program, and Literature was named in her honor in 2008. Her major interests included gender roles, rural life in modern Greece, and the St. Croix Chippewa Indians of Wisconsin.


== Early life ==
Born in Hungary in 1920, Ernestine Friedl emigrated to the United States with her parents at the age of two years. They settled in the West Bronx neighborhood of New York City.  Her father had been a railway functionary in Hungary but in the U.S. became a salesman, while her mother was a garment worker.


== Education ==
Friedl attended Hunter College, a public women's college in the Upper East Side of New York, from which she graduated in 1941 with a Bachelor of Arts in pre-social work.Friedl went to graduate school at Columbia University from 1941 to 1950, earning a Ph.D. in anthropology in 1950.


== Influences ==
While in attendance at Hunter College, Friedl met three influential figures in her life: Dorothy L. Keur and Elsie Steedman, both professors of anthropology who taught and inspired Friedl to pursue the same field, as well as her future husband Harry Levy, who studied classics. It was Levy who encouraged Friedl to continue on with post-graduate studies in order to become an anthropologist. Other influences include Columbia professors Ralph Linton and Ruth Benedict.


== Fieldwork ==
In 1942 and 1943, under the tutelage of Columbia professor Ralph Linton, Friedl studied the St. Croix Chippewa Indians of Wisconsin. She published a dissertation concerning the Chippewa political organization and leadership. After receiving her Ph.D. at Columbia, she and her husband Harry Levy traveled to Greece in 1954 where they engaged in anthropological fieldwork. She had been awarded a Fulbright grant to study life in a Greek village Vasilika, a small agricultural town with a population of 216 people. She returned to the area from 1964 to 1965 to do fieldwork with migrants. In 1971 and 1972, Friedl and Levy spent time in Athens working on her book Women and Men, which is when Friedl's interest in gender roles began.


== Career ==
Friedl began teaching in at Brooklyn College in the fall of 1942. Other than a brief intermittent stint at Wellesley College and some courses taught at Queens College, she continued teaching at Brooklyn College until 1973 when she became a professor of anthropology at Duke University. She was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1976. While at Duke, she was the chair of the Department of Anthropology from 1973 to 1978, and the Dean of Arts and Sciences and Trinity College from 1980 to 1985.
She served as the secretary and later the president of the American Ethnological Society in 1967. In 1970, Friedl participated in the Committee on the Status of Women in Anthropology as part of the American Anthropological Association, later serving as its president from 1974 to 1975.


== Notable published works ==
1956 ""Persistence in Chippewa Culture and Personality."" American Anthropologist 58: 814–215.
1959 ""The Role of Kinship in the Transmission of National Culture to Rural Villages in Mainland Greece."" American Anthropologist 61: 30–38.
1962 Vasilika: A Village in Modern Greece. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
1963 ""Studies in Peasant Life."" Biennial Review of Anthropology. B Siegl, ed. Stanford, CA: Sanford University Press. 276–306.
1967 ""The Position of Women: Appearance and Reality."" Anthropological Quarterly. 40: 97–108.
1970 ""Fieldwork in a Greek Village."" Women in the Field. P. Golde, ed. Chicago: Aldine Press. 193–217.
1975 Women and Men: An Anthropologist's View. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
1978 ""Society and Sex Roles."" Human Nature. 1:8–75. Reprinted in ""Culture and Conflict"" in 1979. J. Spradley and D. McCurdy, eds.


== References =="
Walter Goldschmidt,1976,"Walter Rochs Goldschmidt (February 24, 1913 – September 1, 2010) was an American anthropologist.
Goldschmidt was of German descent, born in San Antonio, Texas, on February 24, 1913, to Hermann and Gretchen Goldschmidt. He earned a bachelor's degree at the University of Texas at Austin in 1933, followed by a master's degree in 1935. Goldschmidt completed doctoral studies in 1942 at the University of California, Berkeley. Goldschmidt began work at the Bureau of Agricultural Economics, remaining a social science analyst there until 1946, when he joined the University of California, Los Angeles faculty. He served as editor of the journal American Anthropologist from 1956 to 1959, and was founding editor of another journal, Ethos. Between 1969 and 1970, Goldschmidt was president of the American Ethnological Society. He headed the American Anthropological Association in 1976. Goldschmidt was known for his research into the Hupa and Nomlaki indigenous people living in California, as well as the Tlingit and Haida of Alaska. In his later career, Goldschmidt took an interest to the Sebei people in Uganda. He was twice a Fulbright scholar and received the Bronislaw Malinowski Award. Goldschmidt was named an emeritus professor in the 1980s, though he continued academic research and writing well into retirement.Goldschmidt married Beatrice Gale in 1937, whom he had two sons, Mark and Karl. Gale died in 1991, and Karl died in 2001. Walter Goldschmidt died at the Huntington Memorial Hospital in Pasadena, California, on September 1, 2010.


== References =="
Richard Newbold Adams,1977,"Richard Newbold Adams (August 4, 1924 – September 11, 2018) was an American anthropologist.
His parents were Randolph Greenfield Adams and Helen Spiller Adams. He grew up in Ann Arbor, Michigan. Adams served in the United States military during World War II, then pursued postsecondary education, obtaining a bachelor's degree from the University of Michigan in 1947, followed by a master's and doctoral degree at Yale University in 1949 and 1951, respectively. He worked in Peru and Guatemala before teaching at Michigan State University starting in 1956. Adams joined the University of Texas at Austin faculty in 1961. He received a Guggenheim fellowship in 1973, and was named the Rapoport Centennial Professor of Liberal Arts prior to his retirement in 1990.Adams married Betty Hannstein in 1951, with whom he had three children. The couple moved to Guatemala in retirement. Adams died in Panajachel on September 11, 2018, aged 94.


== References =="
Francis L. K. Hsu,1978,"Francis L. K. Hsu (Chinese: 許烺光, 28 October 1909 – 15 December 1999) is a famous anthropologist, one of the founders of psychological anthropology, served as president of the American Anthropological Association from 1977 to 1978.


== Career ==
Hsu was born on October 28, 1909 in Zhuanghe, Liaoning, China. He entered Tianjin Nankai High School in 1923, graduated from the Department of Sociology at the University of Shanghai in 1933, entered the Graduate School of Fu Jen Catholic University in the same year, and later engaged in social work at Peking Union Medical College Hospital.He obtained the Boxer Indemnity Scholarship (United Kingdom) in 1937 and went to London to study anthropology at the London School of Economics, where he studied under Bronisław Malinowski. He obtained a doctorate in 1941 and was invited by Fei Xiaotong to return to China. In 1943, he was invited by Ralph Linton to visit the United States and he has since stayed in the country as a teacher.
He served as a lecturer at Columbia University from 1944 to 1945. Acting Assistant Professor at Cornell University from 1945 to 1947. In 1947, he was hired as a formal assistant professor at Northwestern University. He was promoted to professor ten years later and served as the head of the anthropology department from 1957 to 1976 for two decades. In 1964, he went to Japan to serve as a visiting professor at Kyoto University and conducted a field survey.


== Contributions ==
He is the founder of psychological anthropology. He has updated and renewed the methodology of cultural and personality research and has taken a big step forward in human knowledge of large-scale civil society research. His theory has a profound influence on the development of Chinese native psychology and the production of psychoculture. His research provides a non-Western perspective on the study of human behavior and is of great reference value to the research of behavioral science.


== Retirement and death ==
Hsu retired from Northwestern in 1978 and was hired by the University of San Francisco as the director of the Cultural Research Center. He also served as a senior researcher at the East–West Center at the University of Hawaii. He retired again in 1982, but still insists on engaging in lectures and academic work.
He continued to write a thesis in 1986 with myocardial infarction, and then suffered another two strokes and had to stop academic research. In the end, he died in San Francisco on December 15, 1999 at the age of 91.


== Recognition ==
The American Anthropological Association established the Francis L. K. Hsu Book Prize to commemorate his contribution.

The 62nd (1977-1978) President of the American Anthropological Association
Honorary Professor of Northwest University
Academician of the 12th (1978) Academia Sinica.
Deputy Editor of the Journal of Comparative Family Studies
Advisor of the International Journal of Social Psychiatry


== Selected poblications ==
1943: Magic and Science in Western Yunnan. New York: Institute of Pacific Relations (55 pages).
1948: Under the Ancestors' Shadow：Chinese Culture and Personality. New York: Columbia University Press (300 pages).
1952: Religion, Science and Human Crises: A study of China in Transition and Its Implication for the west. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. New York: Grove Press (142 pages)
1953: Americans and Chinese: Two Ways Of Life. New York: Abelard-Schuman, Inc. (457 pages).
1963: Clan, Caste and Club：A Comparative Study of Chinese, Hindu and American Ways of Life. Princeton：Van Nostrand and Co. (335 pages).
1967: Under the Ancestors' Shadow, with a new Chapter,「Kinship, Personality and Social Mobility in China.New York: Doubleday Anchor Books (370 pages).
1969: The Study of Literate Civilizations. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston (123 pages).
1970: Americans and Chinese：Purpose and Fulfillment in Great Civilizations. Updated and enlarged 2nd edition of Americans and Chinese：Two Ways of Life, 1953.New York: Natural History Press (493 pages).
1971: Under the Ancestors' Shadow. (Reprint of 1967 version.) Stanford：Stanford University Press (370 pages).
1971: The Challenge of the American Dream：The Chinese in the United States. Belmont, California: Wadsworth Publishing Co. (160 pages).
1974: China Day by Day, with Eileen Hsu-Balzer (許儀南)and Richard Balzer. New Haven: Yale University Press (111 pages).
1974: Japan: Economic Miracle five sound filmstrips with cassettes. Series No.6907K, Encyclopedia Britannica Educational Corporation, Chicago.
1974: Japan: Spirit of Iemoto, five sound filmstrips with cassettes. Series No.6908K, Encyclopedia Britannica Educational Corporation, Chicago.
1975: Iemoto: The Heart of Japan. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Schenkman.
1981: Americans and Chinese: Passage to Differences. An updated and enlarged third edition. Honolulu: The University Press of Hawaii (534 pages).
1983: Rugged Individualism Reconsidered：Essays in Psychological Anthropology. (a collection of some essays from 1948 to 1979) .Knoxville：The University of Tennessee Press (467 pages).
1984: Exorcising the Trouble Maker：Magic, Science and Culture. Greatly revised and enlarged new edition of Religion, Science and Human Crises (1952, 1971), incorporating new field data from the New Territories of Hong Kong. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press (164 pages).


== See also ==
Bronisław Malinowski
Ralph Linton
Fei Xiaotong


== References ==


== External links ==
许烺光著作集"
Paul J. Bohannan,1979,"Paul James Bohannan (March 5, 1920 – July 13, 2007) was an American anthropologist known for his research on the Tiv people of Nigeria, spheres of exchange and divorce in the United States.


== Early life and education ==
Bohannan was born in Lincoln, Nebraska, to Hillory Bohannan and Hazel Truex Bohannan. During the dust bowl his family moved to Benson, Arizona.  World War II interrupted his college education, and he served in the U.S. Army Quartermaster Corps from 1941 to 1945 reaching the rank of captain.  In 1947 he graduated Phi Beta Kappa with his bachelor's degree in German from the University of Arizona.  He attended Queen's College, Oxford, thereafter as a Rhodes scholar, receiving a Bachelor of Science in 1949 and his doctor of philosophy degree in 1951, both in anthropology.


== Academic career ==
Bohannan remained in England and was a lecturer in social anthropology at Oxford University until 1956 when he returned to the States taking up an assistant professorship in anthropology at Princeton University. In 1959, Bohannan left Princeton for a full professorship at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois. From 1975 to 1982 he taught at the University of California, Santa Barbara. In 1982 he became dean of the social science and communications department at the University of Southern California (U.S.C.).  He retired from full-time teaching in 1987, but remained at U.S.C. as professor emeritus until his death.
From 1962 to 1964 Bohannan was a director on the Social Science Research Council. He was a director of American Ethnological Society from 1963 to 1966. Bohannan was president of the African Studies Association in 1964. In 1979–1980, he was president of the American Anthropological Association.


== Personal life ==
Bohannan married Laura Marie Smith, an anthropologist with whom he collaborated on Tiv Economy, on 15 May 1943. They had one son, Denis, and were divorced in 1975. He remained married to his second wife, Adelyse D'Arcy, from 1981 until his death. Bohannan died on 13 July 2007, in Visalia, California. He was a connoisseur of Scotch whisky and a ballet enthusiast.


== Awards ==
1944 Legion of Merit.
1969 Herskovitz Prize for Tiv Economy, shared with his wife Laura Bohannan.


== Selected bibliography ==
Justice and Judgment among the Tiv. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1957. OCLC 67530323.
Social Anthropology. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. 1963. OCLC 230074.
Africa and Africans. Garden City, NY: Natural History Press. 1964. OCLC 413202. (Fourth Edition [with Philip Curtin] published Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 1995)
With Bohannan, Laura (1968). Tiv Economy. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press. OCLC 7394758.
With Bernard, Jessie (1970). Divorce and After. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. OCLC 87758.
We, the Alien: An introduction to cultural anthropology. Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press. 1991. ISBN 978-0-88133-637-5.
How Culture Works. New York: Free Press. 1995. ISBN 978-0-02-904505-3.
With van der Elst, Dirk (1998). Asking and Listening: Ethnography as Personal Adaptation. Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press. ISBN 978-0-88133-987-1.


== Notes =="
Conrad M. Arensberg,1980,"Conrad Maynadier Arensberg (September 12, 1910 – February 10, 1997) was an American anthropologist and scholar.He was born in Wilkinsburg, Pennsylvania. He graduated summa cum laude from Harvard in 1931. He was exempted from his final exams by the College Dean who viewed them as ""being completely unnecessary in Conrad's case"" (Comitas 2000). In 1937 his doctorate dissertation entitled The Irish Countryman became a college textbook.Arensberg helped found The Society for Applied Anthropology and was elected its President (1945–1946) as well as President of the American Anthropological Association (1980). In 1957 he co-analyzed economies of ancient empires in Trade Markets in the Early Empires together with Karl Polanyi.In 1984, Owen Lynch, a former student of Arensberg organised a festschrift for his mentor, titled Culture and Community in Europe. In 1991 he received the Society of Applied Anthropology's Malinowski Award.He was married to Vivian E. Garrison.He held the Joseph L. Buttenwieser Professorship of Human Relations at Columbia University from 1970 until his retirement in 1980. Thereafter he joined the faculty of the Joint Applied Anthropology Program at Teachers' College.


== References =="
William Sturtevant,1981,"William Curtis Sturtevant (1926 Morristown, New Jersey – March 2, 2007) was an anthropologist and ethnologist. He is best known as the general editor of the 20-volume Handbook of North American Indians. Renowned anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss described the work as ""an absolutely indispensable tool that should be found on the shelves of all libraries, public and private alike.""Sturtevant's career focused on Native American languages and cultures.  He was particularly known for his work on the history and culture of the Florida Seminole. During his career, he served as the president for the American Society for Ethnohistory, the American Ethnological Society, and the American Anthropological Association.


== Life ==
He graduated from the University of California, Berkeley in 1949, and from Yale University  with a Ph.D. in 1955.  He served first as a research anthropologist for the Bureau of American Ethnology before being appointed Curator of North American Ethnology in the U.S. National Museum (later the National Museum of Natural History), Smithsonian Institution.
Sturtevant argued for the importance of material culture in anthropology, particularly in incorporating the contents of museum collections.  A list of his published and unpublished work is available at the National Anthropological Archives of the Smithsonian Institution.


== Family ==
He was the eldest son of the geneticist Alfred Sturtevant. He was married to Theda Maw from 1952 to 1986; they had three children. Sturtevant remarried in 1990, to linguist Sally McLendon. Sturtevant died on March 2, 2007 from emphysema.


== References ==


== External links ==
Jason Baird Jackson, William C. Sturtevant (1926–2007), Museum Anthropology blog. Sunday, March 4, 2007"
M. Margaret Clark,1982,"Mary Margaret Clark (1925–2003) was an American medical anthropologist who is credited with founding the sub-discipline of medical anthropology.


== Life ==
M. Margaret Clark was born on January 9, 1925 in Amarillo, Texas. After receiving a doctorate degree in anthropology from University of California, Berkeley, she was employed by the U.S. Public Health Service as a researcher, where she worked on public health-related projects in Colorado. She also worked as a consultant for various agencies directed towards health and aging. Dr. Clark later earned a Professor Emerita position at University of California, San Francisco where she taught medical anthropology through a joint graduate program she created. She retired from her position in 1991, after which she took courses at the Fromm Institute at the University of San Francisco. Dr. Clark died of a heart attack on January 23, 2003. She was living in San Rafael, California, at the time of her death at 78 years old.


=== Positions ===
Throughout her career, Clark served in various societies and associations, including the following:
President of the Society for Medical Anthropology(1972–1973)
Vice president (1974–1975) and Executive Councillor (1973–1976) for the Gerontological Society of America
Executive Board member of the Society for Applied Anthropology (1974–1977)
Section H Executive Committee of the American Association for the Advancement of Science(1977–1981)
President (1981–1982) and Executive Board member (1974–1977) of the American Anthropological Association
Member of International Union of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences


== Education ==
Clark earned a bachelor's degree in chemistry from Southern Methodist University, and entered Southwestern Medical School at the age of 20. After three years of medical school, she left to pursue anthropology as a graduate student at UC Berkeley. Clark completed her doctorate in anthropology in 1957 at Berkeley under the advisement of George Foster. Her dissertation was “Sickness and health in Sal si Puedes; Mexican-Americans in a California community,” which she completed in San Jose, California on the community Sal si Puedes and was published in 1959.


== Research ==
In her research, Clark explores the effects of cultural practices through experiments, field studies, interviews, and literature on oral traditions. Her book, Health in the Mexican-American Culture: A Community Study, focuses on the socio-cultural constructs of the Sal si Puedes group and their aversion and mistrust towards modern health practices. The work concludes with recommendations to social workers on how to engage with such groups in light of their beliefs. Another of Clark's books, Culture and Aging: An Anthropological Study of Older Americans, reveals the decline in status of aging Americans as their children trend away from home. This book presents suggestions for medical professionals and policymakers about the aging population. In The Anthropology of Aging, a New Area for Studies of Culture and Personality, Clark demonstrates that humans are dynamic creatures and as a result their personalities change throughout their entire lifetime. In her paper The Cultural Context of Medical Practice, Clark identifies the difficulty of meeting the needs of all cultures due to the variation around the beliefs towards medical practices. In Explorations of Acculturation: Toward A Model of Ethnic Identity,Clark explores the relationship between acculturation and ethnic identity, identifies the importance of personal choice, generation of residence and other influencing factors, and derives six types of bicultural life based on a sample of three generations from two ethnic minority groups.Her list of published works includes:

Health in the Mexican-American Culture; a community study
Culture and Aging: An Anthropological Study of Older Adults
The Anthropology of Aging, a New Area for Studies of Culture and Personality
Explorations of Acculturation: Toward A Model of Ethnic Identity
The Cultural Context of Medical Practice
A “Bootstrap” Scaling Technique
The Cultural Patterning of Risk-Seeking Behavior


== Legacy ==
Clark revolutionized the field of anthropology by being one of the first to emphasize the importance of social and cultural background in health and medicine. She used this innovative socio-cultural analysis to create what now is the Department of Anthropology, History and Social Medicine at UCSF. Clark also co-founded the Medical Anthropology Training Program as part of a joint program between UCSF and UC Berkeley in 1975 and established the UCSF Multidisciplinary Training Program in Applied Gerontology in 1976.In 1980, she was the first woman and first social scientist to be named as a Faculty Research Lecturer by UCSF. She also received the Distinguished Membership Award of the Gerontological Society of America in 1989 and the Malinowski Award of the Society for Applied Anthropology in 1992.The Association of Anthropology, Gerontology and the Life Course created the annual “Margaret Clark Award” in 1994 to honor her commitment to mentoring younger colleagues. The award is given to the best graduate and undergraduate papers relating to anthropology and gerontology.The UCSF Department of Anthropology, History & Social Medicine created the M. Margaret Clark Memorial Fund in her honor at the time of her death in 2003, with the goal of inspiring and training future generations of medical anthropologists. UCSF began expanding the fund in 2014 to integrate new aspects, such as the annual M. Margaret Clark Memorial Lecture, in order to promote her quest for a cultural understanding of the development and practices of health and medicine.


== References =="
Dell Hathaway Hymes,1983,"Dell Hathaway Hymes (June 7, 1927 in Portland, Oregon – November 13, 2009 in Charlottesville, Virginia) was a linguist, sociolinguist, anthropologist, and folklorist who established disciplinary foundations for the comparative, ethnographic study of language use. His research focused upon the languages of the Pacific Northwest. He was one of the first to call the fourth subfield of anthropology ""linguistic anthropology"" instead of ""anthropological linguistics"". The terminological shift draws attention to the field's grounding in anthropology rather than in what, by that time, had already become an autonomous discipline (linguistics). In 1972 Hymes founded the journal Language in Society and served as its editor for 22 years. He was accused of sexual harassment in the later years of his tenure at the University of Pennsylvania.


== Early life and education ==
He was educated at Reed College, studying under David H. French; and, after a stint in prewar Korea, he graduated in 1950 . His work in the Army as a decoder is part of what influenced him to become a linguist. Hymes earned his Ph.D. from Indiana University in 1955, and took a job at Harvard University.
Even at that young age, Hymes had a reputation as a strong linguist; his dissertation, completed in one year, was a grammar of the Kathlamet language spoken near the mouth of the Columbia and known primarily from Franz Boas’s work at the end of the 19th century.
Hymes remained at Harvard for five years, leaving in 1960 to join the faculty of the University of California, Berkeley. He spent five years at Berkeley as well, and then joined the Department of Anthropology at the University of Pennsylvania in 1965 (where he succeeded A. Irving Hallowell). In 1972 he joined the Department of Folklore and Folklife and became Dean of the University of Pennsylvania Graduate School of Education in 1975.
He served as president of the Linguistic Society of America in 1982, of the American Anthropological Association in 1983, and of the American Folklore Society - the last person to have held all three positions. He was a member of the Guild of Scholars of The Episcopal Church. While at Penn, Hymes was a founder of the journal Language in Society. In 2006, he was awarded the Gold Medal of Philology. Hymes later joined the Departments of Anthropology and English at the University of Virginia, where he became the Commonwealth Professor of Anthropology and English, and from which he retired in 2000, continuing as emeritus professor until his death from complications of Alzheimer's disease on November 13, 2009.His spouse, Virginia Hymes, was also a sociolinguist and folklorist.


== Influences on his work ==
Hymes was influenced by a number of linguists, anthropologists and sociologists, notably Franz Boas, Edward Sapir and Harry Hoijer of the Americanist Tradition; Roman Jakobson and others of the Prague Linguistic Circle; sociologist Erving Goffman, anthropologist Ray L. Birdwhistell, and ethnomethodologists Harold Garfinkel, Harvey Sacks, Emanuel Schegloff and Gail Jefferson.
Hymes' career can be divided into at least two phases. In his early career Hymes adapted Prague School Functionalism to American Linguistic Anthropology, pioneering the study of the relationship between language and social context.  Together with John Gumperz, Erving Goffman and William Labov, Hymes defined a broad multidisciplinary concern with language in society.
Hymes' later work focuses on poetics, particularly the poetic organization of Native American oral narratives. He and Dennis Tedlock defined ethnopoetics as a field of study within linguistic anthropology and folkloristics. Hymes considers literary critic Kenneth Burke his biggest influence on this latter work, saying, ""My sense of what I do probably owes more to KB than to anyone else"". Hymes studied with Burke in the 1950s. Burke's work was theoretically and topically diverse, but the idea that seems most influential on Hymes is the application of rhetorical criticism to poetry.
Hymes has included many other literary figures and critics among his influences, including Robert Alter, C. S. Lewis, A. L. Kroeber, Claude Lévi-Strauss.


== Significance of his work ==
As one of the first sociolinguists, Hymes helped to pioneer the connection between speech and social relations placing linguistic anthropology at the center of the performative turn within anthropology and the social sciences more generally.
Hymes formulated a response to Noam Chomsky's influential distinction between competence (knowledge of grammatical rules necessary to decoding and producing language) and performance (actual language use in context). Hymes objected to the marginalization of performance from the center of linguistic inquiry and proposed the notion of communicative competence, or knowledge necessary to use language in social context, as an object of linguistic inquiry. Since appropriate language use is conventionally defined, and varies across different communities, much of Hymes early work frames a project for ethnographic investigation into contrasting patterns of language use across speech communities. Hymes termed this approach ""the ethnography of speaking."" The SPEAKING acronym, described below, was presented as a lighthearted heuristic to aid fieldworkers in their attempt to document and analyze instances of language in use, which he termed ""speech events."" Embedded in the acronym is an application and extension of Jakobson's arguments concerning the multifunctionality of language. He articulated other, more technical, often typologically oriented approaches to variation in patterns of language use across speech communities in a series of articles.As a result of discussions primarily with Ray Birdwhistell at the University of Pennsylvania, in his later work, Hymes renamed the ""ethnography of speaking"" the ""ethnography of communication"" to reflect the broadening of focus from instances of language production to the ways in which communication (including oral, written, broadcast, acts of receiving/listening) is conventionalized in a given community of users, and to include nonverbal as well as verbal behavior.Hymes promoted what he and others call ""ethnopoetics"", an anthropological method of transcribing and analyzing folklore and oral narrative that pays attention to poetic structures within speech. In reading the transcriptions of Indian myths, for example, which were generally recorded as prose by the anthropologists who came before, Hymes noticed that there are commonly poetic structures in the wording and structuring of the tale. Patterns of words and word use follow patterned, artistic forms.
Hymes' goal, in his own mind, is to understand the artistry and ""the competence... that underlies and informs such narratives"" (Hymes 2003:vii). He created the Dell Hymes Model of Speaking and coined the term communicative competence within language education.
In addition to being entertaining stories or important myths about the nature of the world, narratives also convey the importance of aboriginal environmental management knowledge such as fish spawning cycles in local rivers or the disappearance of grizzly bears from Oregon. Hymes believes that all narratives in the world are organized around implicit principles of form which convey important knowledge and ways of thinking and of viewing the world. He argues that understanding narratives will lead to a fuller understanding of the language itself and those fields informed by storytelling, in which he includes ethnopoetics, sociolinguistics, psycholinguistics, rhetoric, semiotics, pragmatics, narrative inquiry and literary criticism.
Hymes clearly considers folklore and narrative a vital part of the fields of linguistics, anthropology and literature, and has bemoaned the fact that so few scholars in those fields are willing and able to adequately include folklore in its original language in their considerations (Hymes 1981:6–7). He feels that the translated versions of the stories are inadequate for understanding their role in the social or mental system in which they existed. He provides an example that in Navajo, the particles (utterances such as ""uh,"" ""So,"" ""Well,"" etc. that have linguistic if not semantic meaning), omitted in the English translation, are essential to understanding how the story is shaped and how repetition defines the structure that the text embodies.
Hymes was the founding editor for the journal Language in Society, which he edited for 22 years.


== The ""S-P-E-A-K-I-N-G"" model ==

Hymes developed a valuable model to assist the identification and labeling of components of linguistic interaction that was driven by his view that, in order to speak a language correctly, one needs not only to learn its vocabulary and grammar, but also the context in which words are used.
The model had sixteen components that can be applied to many sorts of discourse: message form; message content; setting; scene; speaker/sender; addressor; hearer/receiver/audience; addressee; purposes (outcomes); purposes (goals); key; channels; forms of speech; norms of interaction; norms of interpretation; and genres.Hymes constructed the acronym SPEAKING, under which he grouped the sixteen components within eight divisions:


=== Setting and scene ===
""Setting refers to the time and place of a speech act and, in general, to the physical circumstances"" -  The living room in the grandparents' home might be a setting for a family story. Scene is the ""psychological setting"" or ""cultural definition"" of a setting, including characteristics such as range of formality and sense of play or seriousness. The family story may be told at a reunion celebrating the grandparents' anniversary. At times, the family would be festive and playful; at other times, serious and commemorative.


=== Participants ===
Speaker and audience - Linguists will make distinctions within these categories; for example, the audience can be distinguished as addressees and other hearers. At the family reunion, an aunt might tell a story to the young female relatives, but males, although not addressed, might also hear the narrative.


=== Ends ===
Purposes, goals, and outcomes -  The aunt may tell a story about the grandmother to entertain the audience, teach the young women, and honor the grandmother.


=== Act sequence ===
Form and order of the event - The aunt's story might begin as a response to a toast to the grandmother. The story's plot and development would have a sequence structured by the aunt. Possibly there would be a collaborative interruption during the telling. Finally, the group might applaud the tale and move onto another subject or activity.


=== Key ===
Clues that establish the ""tone, manner, or spirit"" of the speech act -  The aunt might imitate the grandmother's voice and gestures in a playful way, or she might address the group in a serious voice emphasizing the sincerity and respect of the praise the story expresses.


=== Instrumentalities ===
Forms and styles of speech -  The aunt might speak in a casual register with many dialect features or might use a more formal register and careful grammatically ""standard"" forms.


=== Norms ===
Social rules governing the event and the participants' actions and reaction - In a playful story by the aunt, the norms might allow many audience interruptions and collaboration, or possibly those interruptions might be limited to participation by older females. A serious, formal story by the aunt might call for attention to her and no interruptions as norms.


=== Genre ===
The kind of speech act or event; for the example used here, the kind of story - The aunt might tell a character anecdote about the grandmother for entertainment, or an exemplum as moral instruction. Different disciplines develop terms for kinds of speech acts, and speech communities sometimes have their own terms for types.


== Publications ==


== References ==


== Further reading ==
Bauman, R., & Sherzer, J. (Eds.). (1974). Explorations in the ethnography of communication. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Blommaert, J. (2006). Ethnopoetics as functional reconstruction: Dell Hymes narrative view of the world. Functions of Language, 13(2), 255–275.
Blommaert, J. (2010). Obituary: Dell H. Hymes (1927–2009). Journal of Sociolinguistics, 14(5), 693–697.
Cazden, C.B. (2011). Hymes’ construct of communicative competence. Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 42(4), 364–369.
Coste, D., de Pietro, J.-F., & Moore, D. (2012). Hymes et le palimpseste de la compétence de communication: Tours, détours et retours en didactique des langues. Langage & Société, 139, 103–123.
Darnell, R. (2006). Keeping the Faith: A Legacy of Native American Ethnography, Ethnohistory, and Psychology. In S. A. Kan & P. T. Strong (Eds.),New Perspectives on Native North America: Cultures, Histories, and Representations, (pp. 3–16). Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.
Hornberger, N.H. (2009). Hymes’s linguistics and ethnography in education. Text & Talk, 29(3), 347–358.
Hornberger, N.H. (2011). Dell H. Hymes: His scholarship and legacy in anthropology and education. Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 42(4), 310–318.
Johnson, K., & Johnson, H. (1998). Communicative competence. Encyclopedic dictionary of applied linguistics (pp. 62–67). Oxford: Blackwell.
Johnstone, B. (2010). Remembering Dell. Language in Society, 39(3), 307–315.
Johnstone, B., & Marcellino, W. (2010). Dell Hymes and the ethnography of communication. In R. Wodak, B. Johnstone & P. Kerswill (Eds.), The Sage Handbook of Sociolinguistics (pp. 57–66). London: Sage.
Keating, E. (2001). The ethnography of communication. In P. Atkinson, A. Coffey, S. Delamont, J. Lofland & L. Lofland (Eds.), Handbook of ethnography (pp. 286–301). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Leeds-Hurwitz, W., & Sigman, S. J. (2010). The Penn tradition. In W. Leeds-Hurwitz (Ed.), The social history of language and social interaction research: People, places, ideas (pp. 235–270). Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Press.
Masquelier, B., & Trimaille, C. (2012). Introduction Dell Hymes: Heritages, débats, renouvellements, branchements. Langage & Société, 139, 5–19.
Silverstein, Michael. 2010. Dell Hathaway Hymes. [obituary] Language 86.4:933–939.
Van der Aa, J., & Blommaert, J. (2011) Ethnographic monitoring: Hymes's unfinished business in educational research. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 42(4), 319–334.
Winkin, Y. (1984). Education et ethnographie de la communication. Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales, 52/53, 115–116.
Winkin, Y. (1984). Hymes’ theory of ethnography. Research on Language in Social Interaction, 17(1), 43–51.


== External links ==
Dell Hymes' personal web site
Dell H. Hymes Papers at the American Philosophical Society Library"
Nancy O. Lurie,1984–1985,"Nancy Oestreich Lurie (January 29, 1924 in Milwaukee, Wisconsin - May 13, 2017)  was an American anthropologist who specialized in the study of North American Indian history and culture. Lurie’s research specialties were ethnohistory, action anthropology and museology; her areal focus was on North American Indians, especially the Ho-Chunk (aka Winnebago) and the Dogrib (Tlicho) of the Canadian NWT; and the comparative study of territorial minorities.During the mid-20th century, she represented several tribes as an expert witness at a time of Native American activism when tribes were pressing to make claims for compensation of lands they were forced to cede and for which they did not receive adequate payment. Her experience with ethnohistory enabled her to research documentation that helped represent their claims.


== Early life and education ==
Nancy Oestreich was born in 1924 in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. After attending local schools, she received her B. A. from the University of Wisconsin–Madison (1945) and graduated with an M.A. in Anthropology from the University of Chicago (1947) and a Ph.D. in Anthropology from Northwestern University (1952). There she met her husband, historian Edward Lurie; they married in 1951 and divorced in 1963.


== Academic career ==
Oestrich began her teaching career in 1947 as an instructor at the University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee Extension Division, where she spent two years; and taught one quarter at the University of Colorado. After her marriage, Lurie taught five years at the University of Michigan, largely as a part-time lecturer.
In 1946 Congress passed the Indian Claims Commission Act to provide a mechanism for hearing and resolving longstanding tribal land claims against the US government. Such cases led to the use of ethnologists both by Indian tribes and by the Justice Department, as cases were adjudicated.
Between 1954 and 1963, Lurie worked frequently as a researcher and expert witness for tribal petitioners in cases brought before the United States Indian Claims Commission, including the Lower Kutenai (Ktunaxa), Lower Kalispel (Kalispel), and Quileute of the Pacific Northwest; and the Sac and Fox Nation, Winnebago (aka Ho-Chunk), Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa Indians, and Eastern Potawatomi of the Upper Midwest. Such Indian land claims were heard and adjudicated into the late 1970s.
After 1963 Lurie appeared as an expert witness representing the Wisconsin Chippewa (Ojibwe) and Menominee in federal courts on land claims and related issues. As a result of her research into the facts of Indian land claims, she became an active voice in the development of the field of ethnohistory and issues related to that field and the testimony of scholars in claims cases. She also published articles on the role of ethno-historians and related scholars in such legal cases. She notes that ethnologists are people ""trained to collect cultural data in an impartial manner and to draw valid conclusions from myriad scattered facts"" and may be considered reliable witnesses to provide testimony in ethnic claims, but acknowledged there can be difficulty in assessing scholarly positions in a court of law.Lurie served as Assistant Coordinator to Professor Sol Tax, University of Chicago, in The American Indian Chicago Conference of 1961. Lurie used this experience for more than a decade (1962–1975) in Action projects with the Wisconsin Winnebago, the United Indians of Milwaukee, and the Menominee.
Lurie was a professor of anthropology (1963–1972) at the University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee, and a visiting scholar with a Fulbright-Hay Lectureship in Anthropology at the University of Aarhus, Denmark (1965–66).
She became head curator of anthropology (1972–1992) at the Milwaukee Public Museum, serving for two decades.
In this period, Lurie was also appointed to the State of Wisconsin Historical Preservation Review Board (1972–1979), served on review committees of the National Endowment for the Arts and National Endowment for the Humanities during the 1970s and 1980s, was a member of the board of trustees for the Center for the Study of American Indian History of the Newberry Library in Chicago (now the D'Arcy McNickle Center...), and served on the editorial board for Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, VA (1978–1980). She also served on the editorial boards of two volumes of the Handbook of North American Indians (1970–1978). Lurie received research grants from the American Philosophical Society, National Endowment for the Humanities, National Science Foundation, University of Chicago Lichtenstern Fund, and Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research.
She has held elected and appointed offices in various anthropological organizations, and in 1983–1985 was elected President of the American Anthropological Association.
She died on May 13, 2017 in Milwaukee.


== Selective published research ==
(1966) “Women in Early American Anthropology,” in Pioneers of American Anthropology: the Uses of Biography, ed. June Helm (Seattle: University of Washington Press): 43–54; reprinted as a monograph, (1999) Women and the Invention of American Anthropology (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press)
(1973) ”Action Anthropology and the American Indian,” in James Officer, ed., Anthropology and the American Indian (S. F.: Indian Historian Press): 5–15
(1976) “Not Built in a Day,” Lore, 26(3), special issue; reprinted in Publications in Museology, 6
(1976) “American Indians and Museums: A Love-Hate Relationship,” The Old Northwest, 2(3): 235–251.
(1981) “Museumland Revisited,”  Human Organization, 40(2): 180–187.
(1983/1992) A Special Style: the Milwaukee Public Museum, 1882–1982’ (Milwaukee Public Museum)
(1960) “Winnebago Prohistory,” in Stanley Diamond, ed., Culture in History: Essays in Honor of Paul Radin (NY: Columbia University Press): 790–808.
(1969/1978/2002 revised edition) Wisconsin Indians (Madison: State Historical Society)
(1971) “Menominee Termination,” in Indian  Historian, 4(4): 32–45, and as a monograph (San Francisco: Indian Historian Press)
(1978) “Winnebago,” in Northeast, vol. 15, ed. Bruce G. Trigger, of  Handbook of North American Indians  (Wash., D. C.: Smithsonian Institution):  690–707
(1961) with June Helm, Subsistence Economy of the Dogrib Indians of Lac La Martre in the MacKenzie District of the N. W. T. (Ottawa: Dept. of Northern Affairs and National Resources)
(1966) with June Helm and including Gertrude P. Kurath, ""The Dogrib Handgame,"" Bulletin 205 (Ottawa: National Museum of Canada)
(2000) The People of Denendeh: Ethnohistory of the Indians of Canada’s Northwest Territories, ed. June Helm, with contributions by Teresa S. Carterette and Nancy O. Lurie (Iowa City: Univ. of Iowa Press)
(1955) “Problems, Opportunities, and Recommendations”, Ethnohistory, 2 (fall): 357–375 (subscription required).
“A Reply to: The Land Claims Cases: Anthropologists in Conflict”, Ethnohistory, 3 (Sum): 256–276 (subscription required)
(1967) “The Indian Claims Commission Act,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 311: 56–70.
(1972) “The Indian Claims Commission,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 436 (March): 97–110
(1961) “Ethnohistory: An Ethnological Point of View”, Ethnohistory, 8 (1): 79–82 (subscription required)
(1971) “The Menominee Indians, Menominee Termination: Or, Can the White Man Ever Overcome a Cultural Lag to Progress with the Indians,” Indian Historian, 4(4): 31–43.
(1972) “Menominee Termination: From Reservation to Colony,” Human Organization, 31: 257–269
(1987) “Menominee Termination and Restoration,” in Donald L. Fixico, ed., An Anthology of Western Great Lakes Indians History (Milwaukee: American Indian Studies Program): 439–478
(1968) “Culture Change,” in James A. Clifton, ed., Introduction  to Cultural Anthropology(Boston: Housghton Mifflin): 274–303.
(1961) Edited and translated, Mountain Wolf Woman, Sister of Crashing Thunder: The Autobiography of a Winnebago Woman, introduction by Ruth M. Underhill (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press), reprinted in an Italian edition (Milan: Rusconi Libri, 2002–2006).
“The American Indian Today”,  Midcontinent American Studies Journal, 6(2)
(1968) with Stuart Levine, eds., The American Indian Today (DeLand, Fl: Everett/Edwards); received the Anisfield-Wolf award
(1971) with Eleanor B. Leacock, eds., The North American Indians in Historical Perspective (NY: Random House)
(2009) with Patrick J. Jung, eds.,  The Nicolet Corrigenda: New France Revisited, paperback (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press)
(1985) “Epilogue” in Irredeemable America: the Indians’ Estate and Land Claims, ed. I. Sutton (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press): 363–382.
(1988) “Recollections of an Urban Indian Community: The Oneidas of Milwaukee,” ch. 7 in The Oneida Indian Experience: Two Perspectives, eds. Jack Campisi and Laurence  M. Hauptman (NY: Syracuse Univ. Press): 101–107.
(1959) “Indian Cultural Adjustments to European Civilization,” in James Morton Smith, ed., Seventeenth Century America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press): 36–60
(2010) Edited Love and Other Letters (Milwaukee, WI: Milwaukee County Historical Society)


== Legacy and honors ==
1968, Anisfield-Wolf Award
2006 Lurie received the Association's Franz Boas Award for Exemplary Service to Anthropology.She has received numerous awards and citations in recognition of her service to American Indian and other organizations. She received three honorary doctorates.


== See also ==
D'Arcy McNickle
Paul Radin


== References ==


== External links ==
University of Michigan Press: http://www.press.umich.edu/titleDetailDesc.do?id=7669.
Nancy Oestreich Lurie Papers, 1947–1988; http://guides.library.uwm.edu/archives-nativeamericans.
Picture and information"
June Helm,1986–1987,"June Helm (September 13, 1924 – February 5, 2004) was an American anthropologist, primarily known for her work with the Dene people in the Mackenzie River drainage.


== Early life and education ==
Helm was born in Twin Falls, Idaho in 1924, to William Jennings Helm and Julia Frances (née Dixon) Helm.  In 1930, the family moved to Kansas City, Kansas. Helm experienced a solitary childhood, full of illness, and was a shy, anxious child. After high school, Helm enrolled in anthropology at the University of Kansas, because of its modest tuition, and there she completed a year of education. In 1942, her father's machinery repair business experienced a boom, leading to the finances necessary for Helm to transfer to the University of Chicago, her school of choice. Helm graduated with a Bachelor of Philosophy from the University of Chicago in 1944, after completing the two-year program. Helm received her M.A. in 1949. She received  encouragement from Robert Redfield and George Peter Murdock, both of whom influenced her study. Helm received her PhD in 1958 from the University of Chicago, after completing her dissertation, which was published by the National Museums of Canada in 1961, titled Lynx Point People.


== Personal life ==
In 1945, Helm married Richard “Scotty” MacNeish, who was a Ph.D candidate in the field of archaeology. In 1949, they moved to Ottawa, Ontario. The two amicably divorced in 1958, at which point Helm returned to Chicago. In 1968, Helm married Pierce King, an architect. The two stayed together until her death.In 1989, Helm suffered from a stroke, which resulted in partial paralysis. She continued to teach for another decade, however, retiring in December 1999.


== Career ==
In 1945, Helm and MacNeish travelled to Mexico, where MacNeish completed archaeological field work. This was Helm's introduction to field work, and the next year, she conducted ethnographic research among the people of the region, for her Masters' thesis. Upon Helm and MacNeish's move to Ottawa, Helm became a sessional lecturer at Carlton University, from 1949 to 1959. In the summer of 1950, while MacNeish took part in an archaeological survey of the Mackenzie River, Helm became involved with the Dene people living nearby, to whom she gave the name “The Lynx Point People” in her 1958 dissertation. While working there, Helm learned that they were interested in having their children learn English, so the following summer, Helm returned with Teresa Carterette. The two volunteered as teachers, and also spent time doing fieldwork, to get a better understanding of the people. Helm continued to conduct interviews between 1954 and 1957, contacting people from Chipewyan, Hare and Slavey communities. Upon her return, Helm focused on the history and ethnography of the Slavey communities, of which there was little. Helm made great forays in understanding and relating the culture of the northern Athapaskan people, and she disproved hypotheses or discovered errors in the works of Julian Steward and Leslie Spier.In 1957, during a linguistics course, Helm met Nancy Oestreich Lurie, and the two became friends. In 1959, the two went to do fieldwork among the Dogrib people in the Northwest Territories. They returned to work with other Dogrib groups in 1962 and 1967. After this point, Helm continued her research alone, making ten trips to do fieldwork between 1959 and 1979.Helm worked as a tenured professor of Anthropology at the University of Iowa, having worked there from 1960 to December 1999. When Helm first joined the department, it was the Department of Sociology and Anthropology; she worked towards the creation of separate departments, which came to fruition in 1969, and she served as chair. Helm also established an American Indian and Native Studies program, and serves as the first chair, from 1993–1996.In 1996, Helm was contacted by John Zoe, a Dogrib official, and Thomas Andrews, an archaeologist at the Prince of Wales Northern Heritage Centre, located in Yellowknife, regarding artifacts which had been taken by a graduate student of the University of Iowa in 1894, Frank Russell. Helm assisted in the negotiations for repatriation of the artifacts, particularly a caribou skin tent, which had been too large to exhibit. The negotiations were successful, and the tent was returned to the Dogrib people.
Throughout her career, Helm published 11 books and monographs, and more than 40 articles and chapters. Helm spent the last few years of her life assembling her notes, photographs and records from her fieldwork, and sent them to Yellowknife, to be available to the Dene people.


== Honours and accomplishments ==
Helm served as an adviser to the Indian Brotherhood of the Northwest Territories (now the Dene Nation), assisting them as a consultant in terms of land claims rights and research in the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry.Helm served as president of several societies and associations; the Central States Anthropological Society for 1970–1971, the American Ethnological Association from 1981–1983, and the American Anthropological Association from 1986–1987.In 1994, Helm was elected as a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Helm received the F. Wendell Miller Distinguished Achievement Award in 1995.Helm's contributions to the University of Iowa have been recognized, particularly with the creation of the June Helm Award for Service and Excellence, which is awarded annually to a graduate student.


== Publications by Helm ==
As a sole authorThe Lynx Point People: The Dynamics of a Northern Athapaskan Band Ottawa: National Museum of Canada, 1961.
The Indians of the Subarctic: A Critical Bibliography. Don Mills, Ontario: Fitzhenry & Whiteside Limited, 1976. ISBN 978-0-253-33004-8
The People of Denendeh: Ethnohistory of the Indians of Canada's Northwest Territories. Iowa City, Iowa: University of Iowa Press, 2000. ISBN 978-0-7735-2145-2As editor or coauthorPioneers of American Anthropology: The Uses of Biography. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1966.
Essays on the Verbal and Visual Arts. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1967.


== References =="
Roy Rappaport,1988–1989,"Roy A. Rappaport (1926–1997) was an American anthropologist known for his contributions to the anthropological study of ritual and to ecological anthropology.


== Biography ==
Rappaport received his Ph.D. at Columbia University and held a tenured position at the University of Michigan. One of his publications, Pigs for the Ancestors: Ritual in the Ecology of a New Guinea People (1968), is an ecological account of ritual among the Tsembaga Maring of New Guinea.  This book is often considered the most influential and most cited work in ecological anthropology (see McGee and Warms 2004).  In that book, and elaborated elsewhere, Rappaport coined the distinction between a people's cognized environment and their operational environment, that is, between how a people understand the effects of their actions in the world and how an anthropologist interprets the environment through measurement and observation.


== Work ==
Rappaport's work demonstrates the correlation between a culture and its economy, with ritual invariably occupying a central role. His Pigs for the Ancestors: Ritual in the Ecology of a New Guinea People was published in 1968 and again in 1984. It is a classic case study of human ecology in a tribal society and the roles of culture and ritual.  The research comes from his fieldwork and time spent with the Maring tribe of Papua New Guinea, who lacked hereditary chiefs or officials. Instead of treating whole cultures as separate units, Rappaport focused ""on populations in the ecological sense, that is, as one of the components of a system of trophic exchanges taking place within a bounded area."" (Biersack, 1999, 5).  Rappaport explained his reasoning behind using populations as opposed to cultures, ""Cultures and ecosystems are not directly commensurable.  An ecosystem is a system of matter and energy transactions among unlike populations or organisms and between them and the non-living substances by which they are surrounded. 'Culture' is the label for the category of phenomena distinguished from others by its contingency upon symbols."" (Biersack, 1999, 6).
Throughout his work, he studied how an ecosystem maintains itself through a regulatory force. He aimed to show the adaptive value of different cultural forms in maintaining the pre-existing relationship of a population with their environment. In this case, it was ritual acting as the regulator, when pigs were sacrificed during times of warfare.  This was done by the tribal members to acquit themselves of debts to the supernatural.  Herds of pigs were maintained and fattened until the required work load pushed the limits of the tribe's carrying capacity, in which case the slaughter began.
Rappaport showed that this ritual served several important purposes, such as restoring the ratio of pigs to humans, supplying the local communities with pork, and preventing land degradation.  Rappaport found that a shrub called rumbim, was used to mark the beginning and ends of periods of warfare. The victorious Maring tribe would plant it on a designated area to mark the end of fighting, and the beginning of the slaughter.  The shrub remained until the next slaughter was initiated, once the pig to human ratio became overwhelming due to competition for resources.  His studies in Papua New Guinea allowed him to calculate the energy exchanges within the community, neighboring tribes, and their environment.
In contrast to studying how culture and ritual could be adaptive, Rappaport also studied how the use of culture and ritual could be maladaptive or potentially harmful to ecological systems (Hoey, 590). He argued that cultures sometimes serves their own components, such as economic or political institutions, at the expense of men and ecosystems [such that].... Cultural adaptations, like all adaptations, can perhaps and usually do become maladaptive"" (Hoey, 590).  Throughout his work, Rappaport tends to stress unity and try to avoid potential problems in the social system.  He often said, ""I've tried for unification with everything from weighing sweet potatoes to God Almighty.... That's what I'm interested in."" (Hoey, 581).
Years of study on ritual and religion, along with the addition of interests in environmental issues, led to later works, such as Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity.  In this ambitious book, Rappaport addresses the history of humanity as part of the evolution of life as a whole.  Ritual, which he defines as ""the performance of more or less invariant sequences of formal acts and utterances not encoded by the performers"", lays the framework for the creation and formulation of religion (Wolf, 1999, 21).  A key theme is that language could not arise until some means had been established to guarantee the reliability of words. Words are cheap, intrinsically unreliable and might always deceive. Costly and repetitive ritual action - the invariance of liturgy - emerged during human evolution as the means by which communities coped with such threats, guaranteeing the reliability of words uttered by ritual performers (cf. Knight 1998, 1999).
When persons take part in a ritual, they are able to signal that they are the authority of the ritual, thus reinforcing the social contract in place. He explains the hierarchical demission of liturgical orders, in which he breaks down four elements of ritual. ""Ultimate sacred postulates"" form the top of the hierarchy, which are the most fundamental elements of religion.  They tend to acquire sanctity over time, since they are often vague and unable to be disproven.  Next, he describes cosmological axioms which describe the basic nature of the universe.  Following these axioms come the rules that govern interactions and conduct.  The fourth point he makes is about the understandings of the external world, where changes occur as a response to the conditions.  These points he provides show these adaptive changes help to preserve the system as a whole.
Rappaport developed as a well-respected contributor to the field and its subsequent discourse by the coinage and adaptation of new anthropological concepts.  He is known for his distinction between ""cognized models"" and ""operational models,"" in which the former looked at reality and adaptations in how a people's culture understands nature.  The cognized model, according to Rappaport, is the ""model of the environment conceived by the people who act in it,"" (Wolf, 1999, 19).  The operational model on the other hand, is one ""which the anthropologist constructs through observation and measurement of empirical entities, events and material relationships. He takes this model to represent for analytic purposes, the physical world of the group he is studying.... as far as actors are concerned, it has no function,"" Rappaport explains (Wolf, 1999, 19).
In his article ""Risk and the Human Environment"", he examines the studies of risk to the ""human environment,"" which have been legally mandated by the government for environmental and resource planning. He emphasizes variables such as economic, social and physical properties, which all must be taken into account.  He provides an example of a hypothetical oil spill which severely damaged marine life.  White fishermen may consider the spill an economic loss; however, for a Native American tribe, the damage would be far more devastating to their subsistence lifestyle.  This article in particular stresses the need to further explore the natures of the human environment, and not make a generalization when considering possible risks (Rappaport, 1996, 65).
Rappaport served as Chair of the Department of Anthropology, University of Michigan. He also was a past president of the American Anthropological Association. Rappaport died of cancer in 1997.


== Works ==
Biersack, Aletta. (1999) ""Introduction: From the ""New Ecology"" to the New Ecologies.""  American Anthropologist 101.1; 5–18.
Hart, Keith and Conrad Kottack. (1999) ""Roy A. ""Skip Rappaport."" American Anthropologist 101.1; 159–161.
Hoey, Brian, and Tom Fricke. ""From Sweet Potatoes to God Almighty: Roy Rappaport on Being a Hedgehog"", American Ethnologist 34.3 581–599.
McGee, R. Jon and Richard L. Warms (2004)  Anthropological Theory: An Introductory History. New York: McGraw Hill.
Knight, C. 1998. Ritual/speech coevolution: a solution to the problem of deception. In J. R. Hurford, M. Studdert-Kennedy and C. Knight (eds), Approaches to the Evolution of Language: Social and Cognitive Bases. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 68–91.
Knight, C. 1999. Sex and language as pretend-play. In R. Dunbar, C. Knight and C. Power (eds), The Evolution of Culture. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, pp. 228–247.
Rappaport, R.A. (1968) Pigs for the Ancestors. New Haven: Yale University Press.
Rappaport, R.A. (1979) Ecology, Meaning and Religion. Richmond: North Atlantic Books.
Rappaport, R.A. (1984) Pigs for the Ancestors. 2nd edition. New Haven: Yale University Press. (Reissued Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, 2000)
Rappaport, R.A. (1996) ""Risk and the Human Environment."" The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science.
Rappaport, R.A. (1999)  Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Wolf, Eric. (1999) ""Cognizing ""Cognized Models.'"" 101.1;19–22.


== References ==


== External links ==
Biography by Julia Messerli
Obituary, The University Record (University of Michigan), October 15, 1997.
Roy Rappaport Papers MSS 516. Special Collections & Archives, UC San Diego Library."
Jane Buikstra,1989–1991,"Jane Ellen Buikstra (born 1945) is an American anthropologist and bioarchaeologist. Her 1977 article on the biological dimensions of archaeology coined and defined the field of bioarchaeology in the US as the application of biological anthropological methods to the study of archaeological problems. Throughout her career, she has authored over 20 books and 150 articles. Buikstra's current research focuses on an analysis of the Phaleron cemetery near Athens, Greece.


== Biography ==
Buikstra obtained a bachelor's degree in Anthropology from DePauw University, Indiana in 1967 and her Masters and PhD degrees, also in Anthropology, from the University of Chicago. She is a Diplomate of the American Board of Forensic Anthropology and sat on the Board of Directors for the year 1999–2000.  She has served as faculty at Northwestern University, University of Chicago, and the University of New Mexico. Buikstra was previously Leslie Spier Distinguished Professor of Anthropology at the University of New Mexico. She currently serves as Professor and Director of the Center for Bioarchaeological Research, a unit within the School of Human Evolution and Social Change at Arizona State University.Buikstra is on advisory board of the peer-reviewed International Journal of Palaeopathology and President of the Center for American Archeology in Kampsville, Illinois.She has been a member of the Academy of National Sciences since 1987 and in 2019 she was elected into the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.


=== Fieldwork ===
North American Midwest, 18 Projects, 1966-
Canadian Arctic, 1 Project, 1969
Argentina, Santa Fe la Vieja, 1980–1982, 1984, 1987
Brazil, Marajo Expedition, 1983–1986
Peru, Programa Contisuyu, 1984-
Spain, Gatas Expedition, 1986-
Turkey, Çayönü Tepesi, 1988
Honduras, 1995-


== Selected publications ==
Jane E. Buikstra, Douglas Ubelaker eds. Standards for Data Collection from Human Skeletal Remains: Proceedings of a Seminar at the Field Museum of Natural History. Arkansas Archaeological Survey Press, Fayetteville, (1994).
Jane E. Buikstra. “Tombs for the Living . . . or For the Dead: The Osmore Ancestors"". In Tombs for the Ancestors, T. Dillehay, ed., Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, Washington, D.C. pp. 229–280 (1995).
Jane E. Buikstra, “Studying Maya Bioarchaeology.” in Bones of the Maya: Studies of Ancient Skeletons, Steve Whittington and D. M. Reed, eds., Smithsonian Press, pp. 221–228 (1997).
Jane E. Buikstra, Douglas K. Charles and Gordon F. M. Rakita, Staging Ritual: Hopewell Ceremonialism at the Mound House Site, Greene County, Illinois. Center for American Archeology, Kampsville Studies in Archeology and History, No. 1 (1998).
Jane E. Buikstra and Douglas K. Charles. “Centering the Ancestors: Cemeteries, Mounds and Sacred Landscapes of the North American Midcontinent.” in Archaeologies of Landscape: Contemporary Perspectives, W. Ashmore and B. Knapp, eds. Blackwells pp. 201–228 (1999).
Jane E. Buikstra, Editor and author of five substantive chapters. Never Anything So Solemn: An Archaeological, Biological and Historical Investigation of the 19th Century Grafton Cemetery. Author of four chapters:1. Introduction, 2. Historic Bioarcheology and the Beautification of Death, 3. A Matter of Life and Death I: Disease, Medical Practice, and Funerals, 9. Summary and Conclusions, and coauthor of one chapter (Houdek, Buikstra, Stojanowski) 7. Skeletal Biology. Center for American Archeology, Kampsville Studies in Archeology and History, No. 3 (2000).
Jane E. Buikstra (with Maria Cecilia Lozada). El Señorío de Chiribaya en la Costa Sur del Perú. Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, Lima-Peru (2002).
Jane E. Buikstra (with Charlotte A. Roberts). The Bioarchaeology of Tuberculosis: A Global View on a Reemerging Disease. University of Florida Press (2003).
Jane E. Buikstra and Kenneth C. Nystrom. “Embodied Traditions: The Chachapoya and Inka Ancestors.” in Theory, Method, and Practice in Modern Archaeology. R. J. Jeske and D. K. Charles, eds. Praeger Publishers: Westport (2003).
Jane E. Buikstra, TD Price, JHBurton, and LEWright. “Tombs from Copan’s Acropolis: A Life History Approach.” in Understanding Early Classic Copan. Ellen E. Bell, Marcello A. Canuto, and Robert J. Sharer, eds., Chapter 1. pp. 191–212. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology (2004).
Jane E. Buikstra. “Ethnogenesis and Ethnicity in the Andes.” in Us and Them: The Assignation of Ethnicity in the Andean Region, Methodological Approaches. Richard Reycraft, ed., Chapter 14, pp. 233–238. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, UCLA (2005).
Jane E. Buikstra. “History of Research in Skeletal Biology” in Handbook of the North American Indians, Physical Anthropology, Douglas Ubelaker, ed. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington D.C.,  pp. 504–523. (2006)
Jane E. Buikstra, G. R. Milner and J. L. Boldsen. Janaab' Pakal: The Age-at-death Controversy Re-revisited. in Janaab' Pakal of Palenque: Reconstructing the Life and Death of a Maya Ruler. V. Tiesler and A Cucina, eds. University of Arizona Press. (2006)
Jane E. Buikstra and Lane A. Beck, eds., Bioarchaeology: The Contextual Study of Human Remains. Senior editor and author of Chapter 1: An Historical Introduction; Chapter 15: Repatriation: Challenges and Opportunities; co-author of O. M. Pearson and Jane E. Buikstra, Chapter 8: Behavior and the Bones Mary Lucas Powell, Della Collins Cook, Georgieann Bogdan, Jane E. Buikstra, Mario M. Castro, Patrick D. Horne, David R. Hunt, Richard T. Koritzer, Sheila Ferraz Mendonça de Souza, Mary Kay Sandford, Laurie Saunders, Glaucia Aparecida Malerba Sene, Lynne Sullivan, and John J. Swetnam Chapter 7 Invisible Hands: Women in Bioarchaeology. Elsevier Press, Inc.  (2006)
Jane E. Buikstra. ""The Bioarchaeology of Maya Sacrifice."" in New Perspectives on Maya Sacrifice, V. Tiesler and A. Cucina, eds, Chapter 13, pp. 293–307. Springer-Verlag (2007).
Debra Komar and Jane E. Buikstra, Forensic Anthropology: Contemporary Theory and Practice. Oxford University Press (2007).


== References ==


== External links ==
Jane E. Buikstra's Faculty Page at ASU
Jane E. Buikstra's CV (PDF)
School of Human Evolution and Social Change, ASU
Center for Bioarchaeological Research, ASU
Center for American Archeology
Jane's May 11, 2018 Youtube talk at Penn Museum on her work."
Annette Weiner,1991–1993,"Annette Barbara Weiner née Cohen (February 14, 1933 - 7 December 1997) was an American anthropologist,  Kriser Distinguished Professor of Anthropology and dean of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences at New York University. She was known for her ethnographic work in the Trobriand Islands and her development of the concept of inalienable wealth in social anthropological theory.
Her dissertation studied the contribution of women to the economy of Trobriand society, which had been the site of Bronislaw Malinowski's renowned studies of the Kula exchange. She demonstrated that women's contributions were highly significant but largely erased from record because the cultural focus was on the distribution and exchange of valuables rather than its production. The dissertation was published in 1976 by University of Texas Press under the title: Women of Value, Men of Renown: New Perspectives in Trobriand Exchange. It received intense attention and became a highly influential piece of feminist anthropology. In 1992 she published the book Inalienable Possessions: The paradox of keeping-while-giving at the University of California Press, in which she built on work by Marcel Mauss and Malinowski to present a theory of value and exchange in which there is a basic distinction between alienable and inalienable forms of wealth. Inalienable wealth is a kind of possession that is inalienably tied to its original possessor and which if given away retains some part of them, such wealth has the power to create lasting social divisions.A Guggenheim Fellow, She was also a founding member and president of the Society for Cultural Anthropology and president of the American Anthropological Association whose Distinguished Service Award she received in 1997. In her final presidential address to the AAA, ""Culture and Our Discontents,"" Weiner argued that ""a commitment to a global comparative perspective can provide an innovative postmodern frame"" for the discipline.


== References ==


== External Links ==
Anette Weiner Papers: New York University Archives at New York University"
James Peacock (anthropologist),1993–1995,
Yolanda T. Moses,1995–1997,"Yolanda Theresa Moses (born 1946) is an anthropologist and college administrator who served as the 10th president of City College of New York (1993–1999) and president of the American Association for Higher Education (2000–2003).


== Early life ==
Moses was born to a family originating from northern Louisiana that relocated to Washington during the Second World War to work in wartime industries. After the war, Moses and her family moved to southern California. Moses received her associate degree in 1966, and bachelor's degree in sociology in 1968, both from San Bernardino Valley College. Inspired by a meeting with Margaret Mead, Moses chose to pursue anthropology for a doctorate degree, which she received in 1976, from the University of California, Riverside. As a student, Moses participated actively in the Civil Rights Movement through the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC).


== Academic career ==
From 1976 to 1993, Moses taught at the collegiate level and conducted research at California State Polytechnic University, Pomona College, and California State University Dominguez Hills. At California State Polytechnic University, Pomona, Moses combined the Women's studies and Ethnic studies programs into a single interdisciplinary Department of Ethnic and Women's Studies. From 1982 to 1989, Moses served as the dean of the Cal State Polytec's College of Letters, Arts, and Social Sciences (CLASS). In 1988, Moses was appointed to the position of vice president of academic affairs at California State University, Dominguez Hills.
In 1993, Moses relocated to New York City where she was appointed to the position of the 10th president of City College of New York of the City University of New York. She was the first woman to lead City College, CUNY's flagship campus. She has served as President of the American Anthropological Association (AAA) (1995–97).
Moses has held a senior visiting research appointment at George Washington University in Washington D.C. (2000 to 2004).
She co-authored with Carol Mukhopadhyay and Rosemary Henze, the book How Real is Race: a sourcebook on race, culture and biology.(2007, 2014). Since 2007, Moses had held the position of professor in the department of anthropology at the University of California, Riverside and Special Assistant to the Chancellor for Excellence and Diversity. In 2014, she was also a visiting professor at the University of Melbourne's Intercultural and Indigenous Studies Program.
Moses' academic research is supported grants from the Ford Foundation, the National Science Foundation, and the National Endowment for the Humanities, for original research, including the Race: are we so different project (2007–2015).


=== Professional recognition ===
Moses has received The National Donna Shavlik Award for Leadership and Mentoring Women (2007) (ACE). She is a member of the college of fellows of the  American Association for the Advancement of Science (2009), and a recipient of the Distinguished Research Lecturer Award from UC, Riverside (2015). Moses also received The Franz Boas Award for Distinguished Service to the Field of Anthropology (AAA) as Public Intellectual (2015), and The Dyason Fellowship to Support Collaborative Research and Innovation from the University of Melbourne (2016).


== City College of New York presidency ==
On May 24, 1993, Moses was selected as the 9th president of City College of New York. At the time, comparisons were made between City College of New York and Dominguez Hills; both were considered inner-city public colleges with large minority and older student bodies. The only CUNY trustee to oppose her appointment was Herman Badillo, who later became the Chair of the CUNY trustees. During Moses tenure, City College continued to report high number of students failing placement tests and teacher certification exams. At the same time, Moses oversaw the renovation of six historic campus buildings, raised admissions standards, and introduced a doctoral program in biomedical engineering.
Moses resigned as president of CCNY under pressure from the City University of New York trustees on July 2, 1999. An article in the New York Amsterdam News reported allegations of Moses' negative job ratings, including a failure to establish rapport with College deans, and the reported involvement of New York City Mayor Rudolph Giuliani in her departure.


== Post-presidency ==
Following her resignation, Moses served as President of the American Association for Higher Education from 2000 through 2003. She currently serves as Professor of Anthropology and the Associate Vice Chancellor for Diversity, Equity and Excellence at the University of California, Riverside.


== References ==


== External links ==
University of California-Riverside Department of Anthropology faculty profile"
Jane H. Hill,1997–1999,"Frances Jane Hassler Hill, (October 27, 1939 – November 2, 2018) was an American anthropologist and linguist who worked extensively with Native American languages of the Uto-Aztecan language family and anthropological linguistics of North American communities.


== Early life and career ==
Hill was born Frances Jane Hassler in Berkeley, CA to Gerald L. Hassler and Mildred E. Mathias on October 27, 1939. Her family moved to Binghamton, NY during World War II, then returned to California when the war ended in the late 1940s. At this time, both of her parents were on staff at UCLA: her father in the Department of Engineering and her mother as director of the botanical garden, which now bears her name (see Mildred E. Mathias Botanical Garden).Hill began her post-secondary education at Reed College, which she attended for two years before transferring to University of California, Berkeley. She received her B.A. from UC Berkeley in 1960, then matriculated at UCLA to pursue her Ph.D. There she studied under influential figures in anthropology and linguistics including Harry Hoijer and William Bright. She met her husband, Kenneth C. Hill, in Hoijer's historical linguistics course in 1961. The Hills were married in 1962 and had their first of three children the same year. Jane finished her dissertation in 1966. The Hills then moved to Ann Arbor, MI, where Kenneth worked in the Department of Linguistics at the University of Michigan. Jane worked at Wayne State University in the Department of Anthropology from 1968–1983, eventually becoming head of the department. She took a sabbatical from 1974–1975, as did Kenneth, and they used this time to begin work on Nahuatl. In 1983, she moved to Tucson, AZ to work at the University of Arizona as a professor of Anthropology and Linguistics. While at the University, Hill received awards from the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the American Association for the Advancement of Science, the Wenner-Gren Foundation, and the American Anthropological Association. From 1997–1999 she served as President of the American Anthropological Association. Around this time, Hill also successfully championed a program at the University of Arizona that would allow for a joint Ph.D. in anthropology and linguistics, a testimony to her influence in and passion for both disciplines. In 2009 she retired as Regents' Professor Emerita of Anthropology and Linguistics at the University of Arizona, but continued to work on a variety of research projects until her death.
Hill published more than 100 articles and chapters, as well as eight books, spanning many sub-disciplines of both linguistics and anthropology. Her work in descriptive linguistics, especially focused on languages spoken by American indigenous people, also made important contributions to discussions of language policy and language endangerment. She  contributed to the fields of linguistic anthropology and socio-linguistics, researching the use of Mock Spanish and the intersections of language, culture, identity, and power. Though Hill's intellectual pursuits were diverse, they all embodied her self-proclaimed commitment to linguistic and anthropological studies that have a real-world impact on people's understanding of languages and on the people that speak them.


== Native American languages ==
Hill's work with indigenous American languages began with her dissertation focused on the Cupeño language, a member of the Uto-Aztecan language family spoken in Southern California. Hill conducted fieldwork on Cupeño in 1962 and 1963 and wrote her dissertation on Cupeño, but A Grammar of Cupeño was not published until 2005. The grammar uses data elicited from Roscinda Nolasquez, the last living speaker of Cupeño, as well as field notes from other linguists that had previously studied the language. After Cupeño, Hill continued to work on indigenous American languages, especially those in danger of extinction. For instance, she collaborated with Ofelia Zepeda on the Tohono O'odham language and with her husband Kenneth C. Hill on the Nahuatl/Mexicano language (see List of Publications).
In addition to describing the grammar and structure of these languages, Hill also researched their history and sociopolitical context. She was initially drawn to these languages by their danger of extinction and the desire to assist in preserving them through documenting their grammar and vocabulary. Hill later expanded her work beyond descriptive linguistics to analyze sociolinguistic use of these languages, as well as the ways in which they are understood by those outside their linguistic community. She raised important questions about the way those advocating for endangered languages talk about the languages and people who speak them, and how their rhetoric may ""inadvertently undermine [their] goals of advocacy"".


== Linguistic anthropology and socio-linguistics ==
Outside of indigenous languages, Hill's other works often focused on the everyday uses of language in American society. Much of this work examined the way White Americans use language to subtly retain power and control. Hill's book Language, Race and White Public Space and her article ""The Everyday Language of White Racism"" discuss how White Americans use racial slurs, linguistic appropriation, and other rhetorical techniques to mark other ethnolinguistic groups as disordered and to imply a standard of whiteness. These works, and others by Hill, investigate how language can be used to obtain social or political capital, often by preventing others from obtaining it.Hill's seminal contribution to the discussion of language and racism is her analysis of Mock Spanish, where white monolingual English speakers use preset, often grammatically incorrect Spanish phrases. Examples of Mock Spanish include Arnold Schwarzenegger's famous line in the movie Terminator: ""Hasta la vista, baby,"" which is invoked in the title of Hill's 1993 publication ""Hasta la vista baby: Anglo Spanish in the American Southwest"". Hill noted the disconnect between this linguistic behavior and the social climate of monolingual language policy and education and anti-immigrant sentiment. She concluded that Mock Spanish, though seemingly benign, is used to ""index and reproduce deep prejudices against Mexicans and Spanish speakers"". Research on Mock Spanish was continued by Hill, Jennifer Roth-Gordon, Rusty Barrett, and Lauren Mason Carriss. The core theory has been extended to describe Mock Asian, Mock Ebonics, and others.Hill's sociolinguistic work is not limited to English speakers, and works such as Speaking Mexicano: Dynamics of Syncretic Language in Central Mexico (co-authored with husband Kenneth C. Hill) and ""The voices of Don Gabriel: Responsibility and self in a modern Mexicano narrative"" address similar topics in the context of Nahuatl/Mexicano.
Hill's extensive work on endangered languages, as well as her broad interests across the fields of linguistics and anthropology have elicited comparison to Franz Boas, one of the most prominent figures in linguistic anthropology. In 2009, Hill was given the Franz Boas Award by the American Anthropological Association, and her work was cited repeatedly in Christopher Ball's ""Boasian Legacies in Linguistic Anthropology: A Centenary Review of 2011,"" published in American Anthropologist in 2012.


== Professional accomplishments and awards ==


== List of publications ==


=== Descriptive linguistics ===
""A peeking rule in Cupeño."" Linguistic Inquiry (1970): 534–539.
(with Roscinda Nolasquez) Mulu'wetam: the first people: Cupeño oral history and language. Banning, Calif.: Malki Museum Press, 1973.
(with Kenneth C. Hill) ""Honorific usage in modern Nahuatl: the expression of social distance and respect in the Nahuatl of the Malinche Volcano area."" Language (1978): 123–155.
(with Kenneth C. Hill) ""Mixed grammar, purist grammar, and language attitudes in modern Nahuatl."" Language in society 9.03 (1980): 321–348.
(with Kenneth C. Hill). Speaking Mexicano: Dynamics of Syncretic Language in Central Mexico. University of Arizona Press, 1986.
""The flower world of old Uto-Aztecan."" Journal of Anthropological Research 48.2 (1992): 117–144.
(with Ofelia Zepeda) ""Derived words in Tohono O'odham."" International Journal of American Linguistics 58.4 (1992): 355–404.
""Today there is no respect: Nostalgia, 'Respect,' and Oppositional Discourse in Mexicano (Nahuatl) Language Ideology."" In Language Ideologies: Practice and Theory. BB Schieffelin, KA Woolard, and PV Kroskrity eds. (1998): 68–86.
(with Ofelia Zepeda) ""Tohono O'odham (Papago) plurals."" Anthropological Linguistics (1998): 1–42.
(with Ofelia Zepeda) ""Language, gender, and biology: Pulmonic ingressive airstream in Tohono O'odham women's speech."" Southwest Journal of Linguistics 18 (1999): 15–40.
(with José Luis Moctezuma, eds.). Avances y balances de lenguas yutoaztecas. Homenaje a Wick R. Miller. México, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, 2001.
""Proto-Uto-Aztecan: A community of cultivators in Central Mexico?."" American Anthropologist 103.4 (2001): 913–934.
""Toward a linguistic prehistory of the Southwest: 'Azteco-Tanoan' and the arrival of maize cultivation."" Journal of Anthropological Research 58.4 (2002): 457–475.
A Grammar of Cupeño. Vol. 136. University of California Press, 2005.
""Northern Uto-Aztecan and Kiowa-Tanoan: Evidence of contact between the proto-languages?."" International Journal of American Linguistics 74.2 (2008): 155–188.


=== Sociolinguistics and linguistic anthropology ===
Foreign accents, language acquisition, and cerebral dominance revisited."" Language Learning 20.2 (1970): 237–248.
""On the evolutionary foundations of language."" American Anthropologist 74.3 (1972): 308–317.
""Possible continuity theories of language."" Language (1974): 134–150.
""Apes and language."" Annual Review of Anthropology 7.1 (1978): 89–112.
""Language contact systems and human adaptations."" Journal of Anthropological Research 34.1 (1978): 1–26.
""Review: Language and learning: The debate between Jean Piaget and Noam Chomsky, by Massimo Piattelli-Palmarini."" Language 57.4 (1981): 948–953.
""Language death in Uto-Aztecan."" International Journal of American Linguistics 49.3 (1983): 258–276.
""The grammar of consciousness and the consciousness of grammar."" American Ethnologist 12.4 (1985): 725–737.
""The refiguration of the anthropology of language."" Cultural Anthropology 1.1 (1986): 89–102.
""Language, culture, and world view."" Linguistics: the Cambridge Survey 4 (1989): 14–37.
(with Ofelia Zepeda) ""The condition of Native American languages in the United States."" Diogenes 39.153 (1991): 45–65.
(with Bruce Mannheim). ""Language and world view."" Annual Review of Anthropology 21.1 (1992): 381–404.
""Hasta la vista, baby: Anglo Spanish in the American Southwest."" Critique of Anthropology, 13.2 (1993): 145–176.
""Is it really 'No Problemo'? Junk Spanish and Anglo Racism"" Texas Linguistic Forum. No. 33. University of Texas, Department of Linguistics, 1993.
(with Judith T. Irvine). Responsibility and Evidence in Oral Discourse. No. 15. Cambridge University Press, 1993.
""Structure and practice in language shift."" In Progression and Regression in Language: Sociocultural, Neuropsychological and Linguistic Perspectives, Hyltenstam and Viberg eds. (1993): 68–93.
""Junk Spanish, covert racism, and the (leaky) boundary between public and private spheres."" Pragmatics 5.2 (1995): 197–212.
""The voices of Don Gabriel: Responsibility and self in a modern Mexicano narrative."" In The Dialogic Emergence of Culture. Dennis Tedlock and Bruce Mannheim, eds. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1995. 97–147.
""Languages on the land: toward an anthropological dialectology."" (Lecture given March 21, 1996).
""Language, race, and white public space."" American Anthropologist 100.3 (1998): 680–689.
""Styling locally, styling globally: What does it mean?."" Journal of Sociolinguistics 3.4 (1999): 542–556.
""Syncretism."" Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 9.1/2 (1999): 244–246.
""'Expert rhetorics' in advocacy for endangered languages: Who is listening, and what do they hear?."" Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 12.2 (2002): 119–133.
""Finding culture in narrative."" Finding Culture in Talk. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. 157–202.
""Intertextuality as source and evidence for indirect indexical meanings."" Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 15.1 (2005): 113–124.
""The ethnography of language and language documentation."" Essentials of Language Documentation. (2006): 113–128.
The Everyday Language of White Racism. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2008.


== References =="
Louise Lamphere,1999–2001,"Louise Lamphere (born 1940) is an American anthropologist who has been distinguished professor of anthropology at the University of New Mexico since 2001. She was a faculty member at UNM from 1976–1979 and again from 1986–2009, when she became a professor emeritus.


== Career ==
Lamphere received her Ph.D. from Harvard in 1968. She has published extensively throughout her career on subjects as diverse as the Navajo and their medicinal practices and de-industrialisation and urban anthropology; nonetheless she is possibly best known for her work on feminist anthropology and gender issues.In 1977, Lamphere became an associate of the Women's Institute for Freedom of the Press (WIFP). WIFP is an American nonprofit publishing organization. The organization works to increase communication between women and connect the public with forms of women-based media.
Lamphere was the co-editor, with  Michelle Zimbalist Rosaldo, of Woman, Culture, and Society, the first volume to address the anthropological study of gender and women's status. In the 1970s, after being denied tenure at Brown University, Lamphere brought a class action suit against Brown. She won an out-of-court settlement that served as a model for future suits by others. In 2015, Brown announced a series of events (including a symposium) examining the important impact of the suit and its settlement.In 2005 Lamphere supervised an ethnographic team which examined the impact of Medicaid managed care in New Mexico. The team published their articles in a special issue of Medical Anthropology Quarterly. In her introduction, she emphasized the impact of increased bureaucratization on women workers in health care clinics, emergency rooms and small doctors offices.
Lamphere was elected as the member of The School of Advance Research on August 5, 2017.


== Awards ==
In 2013, she was awarded the Franz Boas Award for Exemplary Service to Anthropology from the American Anthropological Association.
On May 24, 2015 Brown University awarded Lamphere an honorary doctorate (honoris causa) for her ""courage in standing up for equity and fairness for all faculty and [her] exemplary examinations of urban anthropology, healthcare practices and gender issues.""In 2017, she was awarded the Bronislaw Malinowski award by The Society of Applied Anthropology.


== Selected works ==
Sunbelt Working Mothers: Reconciling Family and Factory. Co-authored with Patricia Zavella, Felipe Gonzales and Peter B. Evans. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. 1993
Newcomers in the Workplace: Immigrants and the Restructuring of the U.S. Economy, co-edited with Guillermo Grenier. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. 1994.
Situated Lives: Gender and Culture in Everyday Life (edited with Helena Ragone' and Patricia Zavella) New York: Routledge Press. 1997.
""Gender Models in the Southwest: Sociocultural Perspectives"" in Women & Men in the Prehispanic Southwest, edited by Patricia L. Crown. Santa Fe: School of American Research Press. pp. 379–402. 2001.
""Rereading and Remembering Michelle Rosaldo"" in Gender Matters: Rereading Michelle Z. Rosaldo. ed. by Alejandro Lugo and Bill Maurer. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press. pp. 1–15. 2001
""Perils and Prospects for an Engaged Anthropology: A view from the U.S."" (2002 Plenary address of the meetings of the European Association of Social Anthropology. Social Anthropology 11(2): 13–28. 2003.
""Women, Culture, and Society"". Co-edited with Michelle Zimbalist Rosaldo. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. 1974.
""Unofficial Histories: A Vision of Anthropology From the Margins."" 2001 American Anthropological Association Presidential Address. American Anthropologist 106(1). 2004.


== References ==


== External links ==
Louise Lamphere Papers --Pembroke Center Archives, Brown University
Professor Louise Lamphere's Curriculum Vitae Accessed from University of New Mexico webpage 8 June 2008 
Profile of Work as American Anthropological Association ""Squeaky Wheel"" Award Recipient 1998 Accessed 8 June 2008"
Don Brenneis,2001–2003,"Donald Lawrence Brenneis (born February 2, 1946) is an American anthropologist, who is professor of anthropology at the University of California, Santa Cruz and served as president of the American Anthropological Association in the period 2002–2003. He has worked in linguistic and political anthropology specializing in the culture and society of Fiji, particularly Fiji's Indian community.He carried out undergraduate studies at Stanford University before entering graduate school at Harvard University where he did his PhD dissertation under the supervision of Klaus-Friedrich Koch, Keith Kernan and Claudia Mitchell-Kernan.


== References =="
Elizabeth M. Brumfiel,2003–2005,"Elizabeth M. Brumfiel (born Elizabeth Stern; March 10, 1945 – January 1, 2012) was an American archaeologist who taught at Northwestern University and Albion College. She had been a president of the American Anthropological Association.


== Early life and education ==
Brumfiel was born in Chicago, Illinois and attended Evanston Township High School. She participated as a Peace Corps volunteer in La Paz, Bolivia in 1966–1967. She got her B.A. and Ph.D. degrees in anthropology from the University of Michigan in 1965 and 1976 respectively and in 1969 got her M.A. in the same field from the University of California, Los Angeles.


== Career ==
Brumfiel was a Peace Corps volunteer from 1966 to 1967 and until 1968 served as research assistant at the Center for Population Planning, University of Michigan. From 1970 to 1977, she served as lecturer at the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at Eastern Michigan University and between 1971 and 1972, was a teaching fellow at the Department of Anthropology, University of Michigan. She then relocated to Albion, Michigan, where she became an assistant professor at the Department of Anthropology and Sociology of Albion College and after serving as a chair of the department was promoted to assistant professor, serving as such from 1985 to 1989. Brumfiel was promoted to professor in 1989 at the same department of the same institution, and in 1996 became John S. Ludington, Endowed Professor.


== Research ==
Brumfiel's publications focused on gender, political economy, and the relationship between these areas of scholarship. She also worked to show how archaeology, as an academic discipline, is connected to other fields of anthropology and to other disciplines such as gender studies and political science. Brumfiel conducted an archaeological project at the site of Xaltocan in Mexico starting in 1987. Before that, she participated with Richard Blanton at Monte Alban in Mexico and directed research at the Mexican sites of Xico and Huexotla.
Brumfiel was one of the first scholars to examine the role of women in Aztec culture through their interactions. Brumfiel studied how these interactions evolved over time through food preparation methods as well as textile manufacturing. “Mexican archeologists respected her very strongly,” said Gabriela Vargas-Cetina, an anthropology professor at the Universidad Autónoma de Yucatán, in Mérida, Mexico. Brumfiel also served on the editorial boards of Latin American Antiquity and Ancient Mesoamerica and was an advisory editor of the Current Anthropology. She helped found the World Council of Anthropological Associations and held strong feminist and liberal views. From 2000 to 2002, she was a distinguished lecturer at Sigma Xi and then taught at Albion College in Michigan for 25 years before joining Northwestern University in 2003. She was president of the American Anthropological Association from 2003 to 2005.In 2006, conservative author David Horowitz listed her among the most dangerous professors in his book ""The Professors: The 101 Most Dangerous Academics in America"" because of her strong voice on social justice and human rights. In 2007, she was honored with the Eagle Warrior Prize and from 2008 to 2009 she served as lead curator of ""The Aztec World"" at the Field Museum of Natural History in Chicago, Illinois.


== Personal life and death ==
Prior to her death from cancer in Skokie, Illinois hospice in 2012, Brumfiel was married to her husband, Vincent, and had a son with him, Geoffrey.


== Significant works ==


=== Edited volumes ===
2003 Factional Competition and Political Development in the New World (John W. Fox, co-editor) Cambridge University Press.
2005 La Producción Local y el Poder en el Xaltocan Posclásico – Production and Power at Postclassic Xaltocan Instituto Nacional De Antropologia e Historía
2008 Specialization, Exchange and Complex Societies (Timothy K. Earle, co-editor) Cambridge University Press.
2008 The Aztec World (Gary M. Feinman, co-editor) Abrams.
2010 Gender, Households, and Society: Unraveling the Threads of the Past and the Present (Cynthia Robin, co-editor) Wiley-Blackwell.
Alien bodies, everyday people, and internal spaces: Embodiment, figurines and social discourse in Postclassic Mexico (with Lisa Overholtzer). In C. Halperin, K. Faust, and R. Taube, eds. in press
Mesoamerica. In The Oxford Handbook of Archaeology, C. Gosden and B. Cunliffe, eds. Oxford: Oxford University Press. in press.


=== Journal entries ===
""Gender, Cloth, Continuity and Change: Fabricating Unity in Anthropology"". American Anthropologist 108:861–877. in press .
""Methods in Feminist and Gender Archaeology: A Feeling for Difference—and Likeness"". In The Handbook of Gender in Archaeology, S.M. Nelson, ed., pp. 31–58. Walnut Creek, CA: Altamira. 2006
Opting In and Opting Out: Tula, Cholula, and Xaltocan. In Settlement and Subsistence in Early Civilizations: Essays reflecting the contributions of Jeffrey R. Parsons, R.E. Blanton and M.H. Parsons, eds, pp. 63–88. Los Angeles: Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles.20. 2005.
""Materiality, Feasts, and Figured Worlds in Aztec Mexico"". In Rethinking Materiality, E. DeMarrais, C. Gosden, and C. Renfrew, eds., pp. 225–237. Cambridge: McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research. 2005.


== References ==


== External links ==
""In Memoriam: Elizabeth Brumfiel 1945–2012."" Anthropology Report. N.p., 5 January 2012. 6 Mar 2012.
""In Memoriam: Elizabeth Brumfiel."" Living Anthropologically. Jason Antrosio, 2 January 2012. 6 Mar 2012.
Henley, Elizabeth (2009). ""From Commoners to Kings"". Northwestern Magazine. Northwestern University."
Alan H. Goodman,2005–2007,"Alan H. Goodman is a biological anthropologist and the author/editor of numerous publications, including Building a New Biocultural Synthesis (1999), Genetic Nature/Culture (2003), 978-0-8493-2720-9 The Nature of Difference (2006), and ""Nutritional Anthropology: Biocultural Perspectives on Food and Nutrition"" (2012).  He received his PhD from the University of Massachusetts Amherst, was a postdoctoral fellow in international nutrition at the University of Connecticut, and a research fellow in stress physiology at the Karolinska Institutet, Stockholm.


== Career ==
He served as president of the American Anthropological Association from 2005 to 2007 and has been an important contributor to many of the organization's projects, including RACE: Are We So Different?. He is also the author of the companion book (2012) for the project.  He has been a professor of anthropology at Hampshire College since 1985 where he is a former dean of the School of Natural Science, Vice President for Academic Affairs, and Dean of Faculty. He is a founding member of the Five College Consortium ""Culture, Health and Science "" program and currently teaches courses in Hampshire's School of Natural Science, including Human Variation: Race, Science, and Politics, and Sex, Death and Teeth: Life Stories Recorded in Teeth.


=== Selected publications ===
His books include:

AH Goodman, Y Moses, and JL Jones. (2012). Race: Are We So Different? Wiley-Blackwell, est. 286 pages.
DL Dufour, AH Goodman and G Pelto (eds.). (2012). Nutritional Anthropology: Biocultural Perspectives on Food and Nutrition, 2e. (Oxford University Press, 544 pages.
J. Jones, M.M. Overvbey, AH Goodman, C. Mukhopadhyay, Y. Moses and A Beckrich. (2007). RACE: A Teacher’s Guide for Middle School. American Anthropological Association, Arlington, VA, 68 pages.
G. Ellison and A. Goodman (eds.) (2006). The Nature of Difference: Science, Society and Human Biology. Taylor and Francis, London.
AH Goodman and TL Leatherman (eds.). (1998). Building a New Biocultural Synthesis: Political-Economic Perspectives on Human Biology. University of Michigan Press.His recent articles include:

J Farrell, D Amarasiriwardena, AH Goodman and B Arriaza. (2013).  Bioimaging of trace metals in ancient Chilean mummies and contemporary Egyptian teeth by laser ablation-inductively coupled plasma-mass spectrometry (LA-ICP-MS). ""Microchemical Journal"" 106:340–346.
TL Leatherman and AH Goodman. (2011). Critical Biomedical Approaches in Medical Anthropology. In. M. Singer and P Ericson (eds.) ""A Companion to Medical Anthropology"". Wiley-Blackwell. pp 29–48.
TL Leatherman, AH Goodman and Tobias Stillman. (2010). Changes in Stature, Weight and Nutritional Status with Tourism-Based Economic Development in the Yucatan Economics and Human Biology 8(2):153–158.
AE Dolphin and AH Goodman. (2009). Maternal Diets, Nutritional Status, and Zinc in Contemporary Mexican Infants’ Teeth” Implications for Reconstructing Paleodiets. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 140:399–409.


== Notes =="
Setha Low,2007–2009,"Setha M. Low (born March 14, 1948) is a former president of the American Anthropological Association, a professor in environmental psychology, and the director of the Public Space Research Group at the City University of New York. Low also served as a Conservation Guest Scholar at the Getty Conservation Institute.
Low received a B.A. in Psychology from Pitzer College, Claremont, California in 1969 and her M.A. and Ph.D. in Anthropology at the University of California, Berkeley in 1971 and 1976.
Her most recent research includes an ethnography of residents in gated communities in San Antonio, Texas and on Long Island and a study of urban parks with case studies including New York City's Prospect Park, Orchard Beach in Pelham Bay Park, and Jacob Riis Park in the Gateway National Recreation Area. More broadly Low's research includes work on the anthropology of space and place, medical anthropology, urban anthropology, historic preservation, landscapes of fear, security/insecurity, and gating in Latin America, the United States, and the cities of Western Europe. Low grew up in Los Angeles and currently resides in Brooklyn.


== Publications ==
2016 Spatializing Culture: The Ethnography of Space and Place. New York and London: Routledge.
2006 The Politics of Public Space [with co-editor Neil Smith] New York and London: Routledge.
2005 Rethinking Urban Parks: Public Space and Cultural Diversity . University of Texas Press.
2003 Behind the Gates: The New American Dream. New York and London: Routledge.
2003 The Anthropology of Space and Place: Locating Culture [with co-author Denise Lawrence-Zuñiga]. Oxford: Blackwell.
2000 On the Plaza: The Politics of Public Space and Culture.. Austin: University of Texas Press.
1999 Theorizing the City: The New Urban Anthropology Reader. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press.
1996 ""Spatializing Culture: The Social Production and Social Construction of Public Space,"" American Ethnologist 23(4): 861–879.
1995 Children of the Urban Poor: The Sociocultural Environment of Growth, Development and Malnutrition in Guatemala City [with co-author F. Johnston]. Boulder: Westview.
1995 ""Indigenous Architectural Representations: Mesoamerican and Caribbean Foundations of the Spanish American Plaza,"" American Anthropologist 97(4): 748–762.


== References ==
Getty Conservation Institute (2002). ""Conservation Guest Scholars"". GCI Newsletter. 17 (2). Retrieved January 16, 2009.
Marquardt, Katy (April 25, 2008). ""Recipe for a City Park's Success: The cultural diversity of its users can make or break an urban space"". U.S. News and World Report. Retrieved January 16, 2009.
Robinson, Eugene (December 4, 2007). ""Eugene Robinson - We the Paranoid"". The Washington Post. ISSN 0740-5421. Retrieved January 16, 2009.


== External links ==
Setha M. Low, Professor of Anthropology, The Graduate Center, CUNY"
Virginia R. Domínguez,2009–2011,"Virginia Dominguez (born 1952) is a political and legal anthropologist. She is currently the Edward William and Jane Marr Gutgsell Professor of Anthropology at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.


== Early life ==
Virginia Dominguez was born in Havana, Cuba in 1952.  After her family left Cuba in 1960, Dominguez attended elementary and middle school in New York; San Juan, Puerto Rico; Bergen County, New Jersey and high school in Montevideo, Uruguay.  Her family's moves were connected to her father's work in international business. After graduating from high school in 1968 and prior to beginning college in 1969, she lived with her parents in Guadalajara, Mexico.
In 1969, Dominguez was among the 230 women who entered Yale University as freshmen and members of Yale's first co-ed class.  During college, Dominguez's parents lived in Beirut, Lebanon, where she joined them on breaks.  Anthropologist Sidney Mintz played an important role in the development of Dominguez's intellectual interests as an undergraduate at Yale. She graduated from Yale with a B.A. (summa cum laude and Phi Beta Kappa) in 1973.


== Scholarship ==
Dominguez has written on race, social classification, identity, law, evidence and epistemology, and global and transnational processes.  White by Definition is based on her dissertation research, and deals with race, identity and social classification in Creole Louisiana. In the 1980s, Dominguez began conducting research on issues surrounding Jewish-ness, identity, and classification in Israel. She published People as Subject, People as Object: Selfhood and Peoplehood in Contemporary Israel in 1989.  In addition to her continued writing on race, identity and social categories, many of Dominguez's recent writings have demonstrated a concern with questions of evidence and epistemology in the field of anthropology and beyond.


== Career ==
Dominguez completed her M.Phil (1975) and Ph.D. (1979) at Yale.  From 1976 to ‘79 she was a Junior Fellow at Harvard.  After finishing her Doctorate, she taught in the Department of Anthropology at Duke University from 1979 to ‘91.  She also taught at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem from 1984 to ‘85.  After leaving Duke, Dominguez taught at the University of California at Santa Cruz from 1991 to ‘93, the University of Iowa from 1993 to 2006, as well as at Eotvos Lorand University in Budapest in spring 2001.  In 2007 she moved to the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, where she is currently the Edward William and Jane Marr Gutgsell Professor of Anthropology, as well as a member of the Jewish Studies, Middle Eastern Studies, and Caribbean Studies faculty.  Dominguez has also been Directeur d'Etudes at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales in Paris, a Simon Professor at the University of Manchester, and a Research Fellow at the East-West Center in Honolulu.Dominguez has been awarded grants for her individual scholarship and collaborative projects by the Social Science Research Council (1981–1982); the Mellon Foundation; Fulbright (1984–1985); the Ford Foundation (1995–1998); the Rockefeller Foundation (2001; 1995–1999); and the U.S. Department of Education (1997–2001).  
In 1995, she was invited to give the prestigious Morgan Lectures at the University of Rochester.  She is author or editor of ten books and monographs, editor of twenty issues of the journal American Ethnologist, and author of ninety-five academic articles and book chapters.Dominguez is Co-Founder, with Dr. Jane Desmond, of the International Forum for U.S. Studies (established in 1995), and Co-Editor of its book series, ""Global Studies of the United States.""  She served as the Editor of American Ethnologist from 2002 to 2007, and has served on the Editorial Boards of twelve other academic journals.  Dominguez was President of the American Anthropological Association from 2009 to 2011.While AAA President, Dominguez ran a series of podcasts entitled “Inside the President’s Studio,” in which she interviewed anthropologists from across the field's diverse sub-fields and across the globe.  Dominguez lead an effort to found Antropologos sem Fronteiras (Anthropologists without Borders), and in 2013 succeeded, in collaboration with the World Council of Anthropological Associations in her role as elected Chair of the Council, to legally establish the organization in Brazil.


== Selected publications ==


=== Books ===
1975 From Neighbor to Stranger: The Dilemma of Caribbean Peoples in the United States. New Haven: Antilles Research Program at Yale.
1981  The Caribbean and Its Implications for the United States. Co-authored with Jorge I. Dominguez. New York: Foreign Policy Association, Headline Series.
1986  White by Definition: Social Classification in Creole Louisiana. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press.  (1994—new paperback edition).
1987  Special Annual Issue of Cuban Studies on ""Sex, Gender, and Revolution in Cuba."" Guest coeditor, with Yolanda Prieto.
1989  People as Subject, People as Object: Selfhood and Peoplehood in Contemporary Israel.  Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press.
1995  Special Issue of Identities on ""(Multi)Culturalisms and the Baggage of 'Race'""  (Guest Editor).
1995  Questioning Otherness: An Interdisciplinary Exchange.  Iowa International Papers, Occasional Papers 30–37 (153 pages).  Co-edited with Catherine M. Lewis.
1997  Evaluating Human Genetic Diversity. Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press.  91 pages.  Co-author as member of 17 person Committee on Human Genome Diversity (of the National Research Council, U.S. National Academy of Sciences).  Significant co-author, especially of Chapter 5 (""Human Rights and Human-Genetic Variation Research,” pp. 55–68).
1998  From Beijing to Port Moresby: The Politics of National Identity in Cultural Policies  (edited with David Wu)  NY:  Gordon and Breach. Volume I, No. 4.


=== Articles ===
1977  ""Social Classification in Creole Louisiana,"" American Ethnologist 4 (4): 589–602.
1984  ""The Language of Left and Right in Israeli Politics,” Political Anthropology 4: 89–109.
1986  “The Marketing of Heritage,” American Ethnologist 13 (3):546–555.  Invited Review Article.
1990  ""Representing Value and the Value of Representation: A Different Look at Money,"" Cultural Anthropology 5 (1):16–44.
1992  ""Invoking Culture: The Messy Side of 'Cultural Politics',"" SAQ (The South Atlantic Quarterly) 91:1.
1993  ""A Taste for 'the Other': Intellectual Complicity in Racializing Practices,""Current Anthropology 35(4):333–348.
1995  ""Invoking Racism in the Public Sphere,"" Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power I (4): 325–346.
1996  ""Resituating American Studies in a Critical Internationalism,"" American Quarterly 48 (Sept.):475–490.  Co-authored with Jane C. Desmond.
1996  ""Disciplining Anthropology.""  In Disciplinarity and Dissent in Cultural Studies. Cary Nelson and Dilip Gaonkar, eds.  pp. 37–61.  New York: Routledge.
1998  ""Exporting U.S. Concepts of Race: Are There Limits to the U.S. Model?” Social Research 65(2):369–399 (summer).
1998  “Asserting (Trans)Nationalism and the Social Conditions of Its Possibility,” Communal/Plural: Journal of Transnational and Crosscultural Studies (Australia) 6(2):139–156.
1998  “Conversation about Global Equality and Affirmation Action,” Washington University Law Review 75(4).
2000  ""For a Politics of Love and Rescue,"" Cultural Anthropology 15(3):361–393 (Aug.)
2001  ""UnAmerican Americans?  Stretching the Boundaries of American Studies.""  In Rediscovering America: American Studies in the New Century.  Kousar Azam, ed.  pp. 120–134.  New Delhi: South Asian Publishers.
2005  ""Seeing and Not Seeing: Complicity in Surprise,"" SSRC Social Science Research Council Web Forum : ""Understanding Katrina: Perspectives from the Social Sciences,” http://understandingkatrina.ssrc.org/
2007  “When the Enemy is Unclear:  US Censuses and Photographs of Cuba, Puerto  Rico, and the Philippines from the Beginning of the 20th Century,” Comparative American Studies (a U.K.-based international journal published by Sage Publications) 5(2):173–203.
2007   “Nemi poco chiari, amici poco chiari” (“Unclear Enemies, Unclear Friends”), Acoma:  Rivista Internazionale di Studi Nordamericani (The International Journal of American Studies) 33:53–65 (original written in English and translated into Italian for publication).
2008  “When Belonging Inspires – Death, Hope Distance,” (Review Essay) Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power 15(3):369–389.
2009  “Evidence and Power, Sweet and Sour.”  In Empirical Futures:  Critical Engagements  with the Work of Sidney W. Mintz, Stephan Palmie, Aisha Khan, and George Baca, eds.  Chapel Hill:  University of North Carolina Press.
2009/10 “Wiggle Room and Writing,” Iowa Journal for Cultural Studies.
2012   ""Comfort Zones and their Dangers: Who are We? Qui Sommes-Nous?” The 2011 AAA Presidential Address.  American Anthropologist (Sept. issue).
2012  “Unexpected Ties: Insight. Love, Exhaustion.” ---as part of an edited book conceived by, and submitted in summer 2010 by, Alma Gottlieb and titled The Restless Anthropologist: New Fieldsites, New Visions. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
2013   “Falling in Love with a Criminal?  On Immersion and Self-Restraint.”  Invited and chosen for, a book titled Ethnographic Encounters in Israel: Poetics and Ethics of Fieldwork in Israel, edited by Fran Markowitz.  Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press.


== External links ==
Inside the President's Studio http://www.aaanet.org/issues/Inside-the-Presidents-Studio.cfm
Faculty Page from University of Illinois http://www.anthro.illinois.edu/people/vdomingu


== References =="
Leith Mullings,2011–2013,"Leith Mullings is an author, anthropologist and professor. She was president of the American Anthropological Association from 2011–2013, and is a Distinguished Professor of Anthropology at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. Mullings has been involved in organizing for progressive social justice, racial equality and economic justice as one of the founding members of the Black Radical Congress and in her role as President of the AAA.  Under her leadership, the American Anthropological Association took up the issue of academic labor rights.Her research and writing have focused on structures of inequality and resistance to them. Her research began in Africa and she has written about traditional medicine and religion in postcolonial Ghana, as well as about women’s roles in Africa. In the U.S. her work has centered on urban communities.  She was recognized for this work by the Society for the Anthropology of North America, which awarded her the Prize for Distinguished Achievement in the Critical Study of North America in 1997.  Mullings is currently working on an ethnohistory of the African Burial Ground in New York City.


== Publications ==
2009 Let Nobody Turn Us Around: An Anthology of African American Social and Political Thought from Slavery to the Present, Second Edition, Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield (co-edited with Manning Marable).
2002 Freedom: A Photographic History of the African American Struggle, London: Phaidon Press. Awarded a Krazna-Krausz Foundation Book Prize (with Manning Marable).
2001 Stress and Resilience: The Social Context of Reproduction in Central Harlem, New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers (with Alaka Wali).
1997 On Our Own Terms: Race, Class and Gender in the Lives of African American Women, New York: Routledge.
1987 Cities of the United States: Studies in Urban Anthropology, editor, New York: Columbia University Press.
1984 Therapy, Ideology and Social Change: Mental Healing in Urban Ghana, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.


== References ==


== External links ==
Leith Mulling's Official Website
http://www.gc.cuny.edu/Page-Elements/Academics-Research-Centers-Initiatives/Doctoral-Programs/Anthropology/Faculty-Listing/Leith-Mullings
AAA President
Anthropology News
SANA | Society for the Anthropology of North America
The Sojourner Syndrome: Race, Class, and Gender in Health and Illness"
Monica Heller,2013–2015,"Monica Heller (born June 1955) is a Canadian linguistic anthropologist and Professor at the University of Toronto. She was the President of the American Anthropological Association (AAA) from 2013 to 2015.


== Biography ==
Heller was born in 1955, in Montreal, Quebec. Her father was a neurologist and her mother a medical sociologist. The political meanings of the uses of French and English in Quebec in the 1960s led to her interest in language and its influence on society. She attended Swarthmore College in Swarthmore, Pennsylvania, graduating with a Bachelor of Arts in Sociology and Anthropology (minor in Linguistics) with honors in 1976. She earned her Ph.D. in Linguistics at the University of California, Berkeley in 1982.


== Academic career ==
Currently she is Full Professor at the University of Toronto's Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (OISE) in the department of Humanities, Social Sciences & Social Justice Education with a joint appointment to the Department of Anthropology. Her research has focused on the role of language in the construction of social difference and social inequality, especially francophone Canada, and comparative work in Western Europe. Using a political economy approach, she has tracked shifts in ideologies of language, nation and State, and examined processes of linguistic commodification in the globalized economy, along with the emergence of post-national ideologies of language and identity.
She has been a visiting professor at universities in Brazil, Belgium, Germany, France, Spain and Finland, and a fellow of Freiburg Institute for Advanced Studies at the Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg in Germany . She also has a nominal appointment in the Département d’études françaises of the Université de Moncton. From 2007 to 2012, she served as Associate Editor for the Journal of Sociolinguistics.


== American Anthropological Association ==
Heller was Executive Program Chair for the 2010 annual meetings of the American Anthropological Association in New Orleans. She served as Vice President of the Association for 2011–2013. In November 2013, she became President. She is one of the few scholars at a non-U.S. institution to lead the AAA in the organization's history.


== Honors and awards ==
1998 Connaught Research Fellowship, University of Toronto 
2001 Konrad Adenauer Research Award, Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung (Germany)
2001 Member, official delegation, State Visit of the Governor-General of Canada to Germany
2005–present Member, Royal Society of Canada
2011 President’s Award, American Anthropological Association


== Books ==
1988	(ed.) Codeswitching: Anthropological and Sociolinguistic Perspectives, Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-011376-1
1994	Crosswords: Language, Ethnicity and Education in French Ontario. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. ISBN 978-3-11-088594-1
2001	Voices of Authority: Education and Linguistic Difference. Westport CT: Ablex. Monica Heller and Marilyn Martin-Jones
2002	Éléments d’une sociolinguistique critique. Paris: Didier. ISBN 978-2-278-05302-5
2003 Discours et identités : la francité canadienne entre modernité et mondialisation (with Normand Labrie) Cortil-Wodon [Belgique] : Editions modulaires européennes : InterCommunications. ISBN 978-2-930342-35-1
2006	Linguistic Minorities and Modernity: A Sociolinguistic Ethnography(2nd edition). London: Continuum ISBN 978-1-4411-0525-7 According to WorldCat, the book is held in 710 libraries  (First edition 1999, London: Longman. ISBN 978-0-582-27948-3)
2007 (ed.) Bilingualism: A Social Approach. London: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-1-4039-9678-7
2007 Discourses of Endangerment: Ideology and Interest in the Defense of Languages. (with Alexandre Duchêne) London: Continuum. ISBN 978-1-84706-322-9 According to WorldCat, the book is held in 688 libraries 
2011 Paths to Postnationalism: A Critical Ethnography of Language and Identity. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Monica Heller, with Mark Campbell, Phyllis Dalley, and Donna Patrick ISBN 978-0-19-974686-6
2012 (ed.) Language in Late Capitalism: Pride and Profit. (with Alexandre Duchêne) London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-88859-2


== References ==


== External links ==
Faculty profile, University of Toronto"
Alisse Waterston,2015–2017,"Alisse Waterston (born 1951) is an American professor of anthropology at John Jay College of Criminal Justice, City University of New York. Her work focuses on how systemic violence and inequality influence society.


== Early life and education ==
Waterston attended New York University, receiving her bachelor's degree in experimental psychology and education. She then continued her education, earning her master's degree at Columbia University, where she focused on Cultural Anthropology, with Puerto Rican Women in the U.S.: Family, Religion and Political Economy as her thesis. This was followed by her PhD studies at City University of New York Graduate Center in 1990. Her dissertation, Aspects of Street Addict Life, was published that year.


== Career ==
Waterston served as an adjunct instructor from 1981 to 1985 at Pace University at White Plains and Pleasantville, N.Y., in the Department of Anthropology and Sociology. In 1991 and 1992 she was Adjunct Assistant Professor at State University of New York, in the Purchase Division of Social Sciences. She was then hired for a year as adjunct assistant professor at the Department of Anthropology and Sociology of Fordham University.
Along with her sister Adriana, in 1992 Waterston co-founded Surveys Unlimited, a Horowitz Associates division dedicated to the social, cultural and ethnic research for urban markets. She served as president from the founding until 2003.  During this time she was a visiting associate professor at New School for Social Research from 1996 to 1998 in the Graduate Faculty in Sociology in New York. In 1998, Waterston was awarded the NAMIC Excellence Award for Research. She worked as editor of North American Dialogue (the publication of the Society for the Anthropology of North America) for six years.
In 2003 Waterston became an associate professor at John Jay College of Criminal Justice in the Associate 
Department of Anthropology.
In 2005, Alisse served as the executive program chair for the 104th annual meeting of the American Anthropological Association.
In 2006, Waterston was named chair of a new American Anthropological Association board on the Future of Electronic and Print Publishing, a committee to oversee the AAA transition to digital publishing with AnthroSource. In 2015 she serves as the organization's chair.In 2009 Waterston became a full professor at John Jay College of Criminal Justice.
In 2013 she published an ethnographic account of her father in a book titled My Father's Wars  (Routledge). She is president-elect of the American Anthropological Association, to serve as its vice president (2014–2015) and president in 2016–2017. She is a member of John Jay College Foundation, Inc. board of trustees.


== Publications ==
Street Addicts in the Political Economy was published in 1993 by the Temple University Press. Waterston discusses economic and socio political forces that lead to a street-addict life in urban areas.
Love, Sorrow and Rage: Destitute Women in a Manhattan Residence was published on 1999 by the Temple University press. An insider's view on how it is like to live in the streets of NY  and what kind of problems the homeless women face.
An Anthropology of War: Views from the Frontline (2008).
Anthropology off the Shelf: Anthropologists on Writing was published in 2011 with cultural anthropologist Maria D. Vesperi. 18 anthropologists write about publishing research materials.
My Father’s Wars: Migration, Memory, and the Violence of a Century (2013) is written from a view point of a daughter analyzing her father who has been influenced greatly by 20th century social history.


== References ==


== External links ==
CUNY faculty page, Alisse Waterston
My father's wars book webpage
Alisse Waterston publications indexed by Google Scholar"
Alex Barker,2017–2019,

workshop_example.ipynb

Inspiration: https://doi.org/10.1177/2378023118823946